We examine spatial and national inequality in Sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries using comparable Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) data. Using living standard measures to calculate asset indices, we find that SSA has considerable within-country spatial and national contemporary asset inequalities, with large cross-country variations. We also use data from 27 SSA countries with comparable data from 1995 to 2018 to compare inequalities in access to basic services. In most countries, regional and national inequities in access to basic services have decreased over time. Our findings show that regional inequality is a significant component of national inequality, which has policy implications.
The topic of controlling is neglected in many start-up companies, although consistent alignment of the company with a controlling system can be a decisive competitive advantage. Due to the special characteristics of start-up companies (compared to established companies), classic controlling instruments and controlling strategies cannot be applied 1:1. Instead, a specific controlling system is needed that is oriented to the special features and individual needs of start-up companies. The purpose of this article is to outline a pragmatic and practice-oriented controlling system for start-up companies.
Ausgehend von seiner Kritik eines naturrechtlichen Apriorismus in der klassischen und neo-klassischen Okonomik entwirft Gustav Schmoller (1838-1917) ein evolutionar-dynamisches Modell wirtschaftlicher Institutionen. Hier sind es keine naturlich und uberzeitlich gegebenen Funktionen, welche die Handlungen wirtschaftender Akteure sinnvoll und zielgerichtet strukturieren, sondern subjektive Werturteile. Ein arbeitsteiliges Wirtschaften setzt allerdings voraus, dass diese aufeinander abgestimmt sind. Im Zuge ihrer gesellschaftlichen Sozialisation internalisieren die einzelnen Akteure ihre wirtschaftlichen Rollen, Aufgaben und Anspruche und verabsolutieren diese als Gerechtigkeitsideale. Um trotz des sich standig vollziehenden gesellschaftlichen Wandels eine Kongruenz dieser individuellen Gerechtigkeitsvorstellungen und damit den Fortbestand wirtschaftlicher Institutionen zu garantieren, mussen sie fortlaufend miteinander versohnt werden. Nur eine historisch informierte Sozialpolitik, welche den Verweis der verschiedenen Gerechtigkeitsideale auf die jeweiligen Institutionen der Vergangenheit berucksichtigt, kann diese Aufgabe erfullen. Der vorliegende Beitrag unternimmt eine rationale Rekonstruktion von Schmollers Theorieentwurf, um nicht nur ihren evolutionar-dynamischen Institutionalismus und die Legitimitat ihrer forschungstheoretischen Kritik herauszuarbeiten, sondern auch die ihr wesentliche Komponente einer rechtshegelianischen Fortschrittsidee. Letztere setzt der gesellschaftswissenschaftlichen Verwertbarkeit von Schmollers Entwurf enge Grenzen.
We analyze the distributional effects of monetary policy on income, wealth and consumption. We use administrative household-level data covering the entire population in Denmark over the period 1987-2014 and exploit a long-standing currency peg as a source of exogenous variation in monetary policy. We consistently find that gains from softer monetary policy in terms of income, wealth and consumption are monotonically increasing in the ex-ante income level. The distributional effects reflect systematic differences in exposure to the various channels of monetary policy, especially non-labor channels (e.g. leverage and risky assets). Our estimates imply that softer monetary policy increases income inequality.
We analyze the election results of political parties and ideological blocs in parliamentary elections held in the Slovak Republic from 1998 to 2020 across 79 districts (LAU 1 level). Interestingly, correlations among parties’ election results between consecutive elections are very high across all elections from 1998 until 2016, meaning that any increase or decrease in electoral support was almost uniform across all districts from one election to another. The last elections disrupted this trend, and in line with the significantly lower degree of correlation with prior elections for all ideological groups, we observe territorially heterogeneous voting behavior. Especially in districts with left-wing support, the electorate shifted toward what we refer to as ideologically vague parties. Within a seemingly unrelated regression (SUR) framework, we show that systematic influence of economic variables on the election results is present only for right-wing parties. For other ideological blocs, age and population density appear to be more influential factors. The “economically rational” right-wing election camp, however, has exhibited a decline in electoral support.
