Why do natural resources fuel ethnic conflict in some ethnic homelands but not others? This article argues that the answer turns on the boundary between active discrimination and passive powerlessness. Among excluded groups, lootable resources raise conflict risk only where the state actively discriminates, not where groups are merely powerless; among included groups, the same resources predict lower risk. No rival account reproduces this positive/null/negative gradient. The boundary governs whether these groups fight, not what they fight over: petroleum pushes discriminated and powerless groups alike toward territorial conflict, wherever the oil sits. Two-way fixed-effects estimates on 859 ethnic groups in 150 countries (1960–2020) establish both patterns. The conflict-generating mechanism thus lies between a group and its state, so country-level resource-curse measures, averaged across the nation, can miss the within-country boundary that actually divides conflict from peace.
Sociological research has long established social class differences in childrearing strategies. However, recent studies suggest more heterogeneity by social class in parenting practices than previously recognized. In this article, we revisit families’ classed socialization processes by drawing from the New Jersey Families Study, a two-week, in-home video study of 21 families with young children, to examine how working-class and middle-class families interact with their children during mealtimes. Contrary to expectations, we found that social class did not neatly correspond to parenting styles, with half of families blending middle-class and working-class styles. This is one of the first sociological studies to closely observe the socialization of young children across different social classes. It is also one of few studies in sociology to use video-ethnographic data. Finally, this study challenges long-standing assumptions about class-based socialization, suggesting that in contemporary families, social class boundaries are much blurrier than previously believed when it comes to childrearing.
This study examines the role of deterioration in men’s labor-market conditions in explaining the rising correlation between spouses’ earnings in the United States. Prior research treats the growth of married women’s employment as the primary driver of this trend, leaving men’s declining economic position largely unexamined. Drawing on U.S. Census and American Community Survey data from 1960 to 2019 covering 722 commuting zones, I apply two-way fixed-effects models and a shift–share instrumental-variable design that exploits local variation in exposure to Chinese import competition across male- and female-intensive industries. Both approaches indicate that deterioration in men’s labor-market conditions raises the spousal earnings correlation within local labor markets, with the increase concentrated among couples with children. The pattern is class-stratified: where men’s conditions worsen, mothers’ work hours rise among those married to higher-earning men but little among those married to lower-earning men. This rising correlation thus reflects not only the growth of wives’ employment but also the unequally distributed capacity of families to adapt to men’s labor-market decline—an adaptation that itself amplifies inequality between households.
Wealth inequality in the United States has grown substantially in recent decades, yet it remains unclear whether wealth has become more stratified along socially salient, group-based lines. Insofar as intragroup solidarities and intergroup antagonisms depend on the extent to which groups are arranged into minimally overlapping, hierarchically ordered strata within the wealth distribution, stratification is sociologically important independently of inequality. Using Survey of Consumer Finances data from 1989 to 2022 and a nonparametric, rank-based stratification metric, we examine trends in wealth stratification across multiple axes of social difference, including racialized group membership, age, education, employment-based class, and marital status. We find that stratification declined along several dimensions, with education being the main exception. Decomposition analyses show that these dimensions differ not only by the level of stratification they exhibit over time but also by where in the distribution stratification is primarily generated and by the relative contributions of housing and nonhousing wealth. These findings underscore the importance of wealth composition and distributional location in shaping stratification and encourage scholars to explore how wealth accumulation may arden or weaken group boundaries.
The Heckman curve has powerfully influenced social policy by providing mathematical support for the concentration of human-capital investments early in the life course. The canonical model behind this curve derives a single relationship for aggregate human capital and does not address how return trajectories vary across skill types. We extend the canonical mathematical framework to derive skill-specific return trajectories, incorporating two key parameters governing declines in (a) human capacity to learn and (b) skill relevance over the life course. Our microfoundation model implies that the shape of return trajectories depends on the relative magnitudes of these two declines, indicating a trade-off: although early investments may be more efficient due to declining human learning capacity, they risk misalignment with future labor market needs. Depending on the targeted skill, investments in adult workers might more effectively align with evolving skill content. We illustrate this result with numerical simulations using empirically plausible parameter ranges and selected skill profiles. Our work suggests that optimal investment timing may be skill-dependent, and identifies empirical questions that can better inform human-capital policy in a time of rapid technological change and lengthening lifespans.
Market categories can favor typical members over atypical ones, yet this “categorical imperative” operates inconsistently across contexts. We argue that typicality effects depend on how evaluators engage with categories during search. Using behavioral simulation in which participants search a large database of companies for competitors, we distinguish between searches that explicitly invoke industry classifications and those using alternative methods, and measure goal-category congruence through semantic alignment between evaluators’ objectives and the categories they employ. We find that typical companies become more likely to be selected in category-based searches; other searches produce no typicality effects. Among category-based searches, goal-category congruence moderates the effect: typicality strongly predicts selection when goals and categories misalign but becomes irrelevant when they align well. These findings identify a specific microprocess through which categorical effects become contingent, offering a process-level explanation for variation documented across audiences, producer characteristics, and evaluation contexts.
For most adults in the United States, participation in the labor force is a normative expectation and a pre-requisite for social acceptance and inclusion. Yet, the conditions of low-wage work can breed social isolation by interfering with supportive social ties at and outside of work. Drawing on survey data from The Shift Project, we examine the complex interplay between precarious working conditions and supportive social ties and illuminate a vicious cycle faced by low-wage workers. Precarious work schedule conditions are associated with reduced perceptions of support from social ties and act as a mechanism through which precarious working conditions take a toll on worker well-being. Further, those with precarious work schedules are less likely to benefit from the buffering effect of social support that attenuates the negative consequences of unstable and unpredictable schedules on well-being. Our findings demonstrate negative externalities of precarious working conditions for social support and reveal the double bind of precarious work: schedule instability undermines workers’ social support while simultaneously heightening the need for it.
What political content do we pay attention to online? Diverse political information is essential for democratic competence, yet online media raises concerns about fragmented information diets. Research on selective exposure highlights how social media can foster ideological echo chambers, while other studies emphasize incidental exposure to diverse viewpoints. A critical limitation is measurement: existing research primarily uses engagement metrics (e.g., likes or shares), neglecting passive exposure or attention—what users notice but do not interact with. In this study, we address this gap through an experimental platform that separately records attention and engagement. Our findings indicate that the ideology-engagement association is about seven times the magnitude of the ideology-attention association. This underscores the importance of measuring attention, rather than solely engagement, to accurately assess the diversity of online information diets.
How first-time parents arrange childcare has critical implications for their careers and the child's development. Previous research shows that childcare choices are shaped by family care availability, understood as an additive function of a small set of parental and grandparental characteristics. However, research on family networks suggests that care availability is rather a non-linear, non-additive function of large family networks. We compare the predictive ability of these two perspectives using a machine learning framework and register-based family network data. We find that considering how the child's great-grandparents, aunts, uncles, and cousins shape care availability, and modeling their influence using more flexible models, provides small yet significant improvements in predictive ability, particularly among more disadvantaged parents. Predictions are driven by parents' and grandparents' socioeconomic characteristics, but cousins' age and daycare use are important yet understudied predictors. Other important understudied predictors include parents' self-employment, healthcare spending, and timing of daycare uptake.
While quantitative social sciences often rely on estimating models in which treatment effects vary across groups, researchers rarely specify which causal quantity they aim to estimate or justify their empirical modeling choices. This paper makes two contributions. First, it clarifies the distinct quantities of interest when studying interactions: comparisons at different treatment intensities (the difference in Conditional Average Marginal Effects) and comparisons at similar intensities (what I term the Average Interactive Partial Effect). When treatment effects are non-linear and treatment distributions differ across groups, these quantities diverge. Second, the paper assesses estimation strategies to estimate these quantities. It demonstrates that linear interaction models produce biased estimates of either quantity when treatment effects are non-linear and explores two alternatives that explicitly accommodate such non-linearities. This paper is accompanied by an \texttt{R} package that implements these approaches. Through simulations, stylized examples, and an empirical application, the paper shows that explicitly defining the quantity of interest and selecting appropriate models is essential for valid interaction analysis.
Teachers play a formative role in shaping children's school experiences and ultimately, their educational outcomes. In this study, I use full population Danish administrative data to explore the consequences of unequal access to qualified teachers in three steps. First, I document strong patterns of teacher-student sorting in Denmark, one of the world's most equal societies and generous welfare states. In short, teachers from higher socioeconomic backgrounds and with higher prior academic achievements tend to select into schools serving high-achieving children from privileged backgrounds. Second, I investigate the effect of exposure to teachers with different qualifications on students' test score performance. To facilitate causal estimates, I exploit plausibly exogenous shocks to teacher changes induced by parental leave spells, which, I show, are unrelated to an extensive set of observed classroom characteristics, including student well-being and measures of classroom climate. Third, I explore differentials in the impact of teacher qualifications by students' socioeconomic background. I find no consistent evidence of differential teacher effects, implying that teacher-induced learning inequalities are mainly driven by unequal exposure to highly qualified teachers, rather than unequal returns to qualifications. This suggests that policies equalizing access to qualified teachers may reduce learning disparities.
Rural communities have lagged urban areas in the economic and sociocultural shifts thought to underlie women’s advantage in bachelor’s degree (BA) attainment, such as the expansion of high-status professional jobs and increasing gender egalitarianism. Using nationally representative data (ELS:2002), we bridge the gap between the macroscale factors theorized to drive women’s educational gains and the local environments shaping youth outcomes by analyzing gender patterns in BA attainment across rural and urban high school students. Women who attended high school in metropolitan areas hold a clear BA advantage, but not women who attended nonmetropolitan high schools, where girls earn higher grades than boys yet attain bachelor’s degrees at similar rates. We find that, net of other characteristics, women’s BA advantage is most suppressed in rural counties with strong Republican majorities and limited professional employment opportunities. Overall, our study suggests that women’s BA advantage is geographically uneven and varies across local sociopolitical and economic conditions.
Despite substantial gender convergence in education and employment, women continue to perform a disproportionate share of housework. We employ a novel visual conjoint experiment to isolate the normative mechanisms underlying this persistent inequality. Using AI-generated photorealistic images, we systematically vary the tidiness of domestic spaces, room type, source of mess, socioeconomic status, and the gender and race/ethnicity of occupants, alongside text describing couples’ employment arrangements. A quota sample of 2,994 U.S. respondents each evaluated five vignettes, yielding 14,970 observations. We find that gender effects operate primarily through responsibility attribution rather than through differential perception of messiness or anticipated social judgment. Women are assigned significantly more cleaning responsibility than men, with the gender penalty concentrated among dual-earner couples. Child-caused mess is perceived as messier than adult-caused mess yet carries reduced social consequences, suggesting that it operates as a legitimating excuse. Our findings suggest that gender equality in paid work is necessary for achieving gender equality in housework, but that it is not sufficient, and that this gap will persist absent changes in normative expectations around responsibility for housework.
Existing research on newsroom metrics documents how journalists construct compatibility between discordant professional and commercial evaluation frameworks. This study examines the underexplored case where metrics validate existing practices. Drawing on interviews with 58 crime journalists in 40 U.S. newsrooms, I find that reporters whose work consistently performed well on audience metrics often defended professional evaluation criteria. Editors facilitated this defense through brokerage, absorbing commercial logics so reporters could experience their work as professionally guided. Market position structured interpretive responses: reporters could avoid metrics, override them, selectively appropriate them, or integrate them into practice. The transition from pageview to subscription regimes reshaped whether concordance was experienced as contaminating or legitimating. Even under concordance, journalists defended professional evaluation criteria.
Prior research finds that rising labor market inequality in the United States was abetted by structural changes in the economy: a consolidation of occupation and organizational bases of advantage; rising within-job inequality; and declining pay and employment in middle-earning jobs. In this article, we revisit these structural changes by asking whether they have been reversed as labor market inequality fell over the last decade. Drawing on restricted-use microdata from the Occupational Employment and Wages Statistics, we find that declining inequality is due to declining inequality in occupation premiums. There has been only a small reversal of consolidation and no decrease in inequality within jobs. Low-wage jobs gained on shrinking middle-earning occupations, further eroding union, manufacturing, and public sector wage premiums. These findings demonstrate a novel configuration of labor market inequality, in which pay rose in low-wage jobs, but underlying inequality structures in the economy persisted.
Skills are considered a key determinant of workers' labor market opportunities, especially in times of rapid technological change. However, existing research rarely conceptualizes and measures skills in their own right, instead relying on occupations as a proxy. How does this limit our understanding of the labor market structure and of wage inequality? In this article, we leverage a unique dataset of millions of online job postings in the United Kingdom to measure the skill profiles of jobs and analyze their similarity within and between occupational categories. Our data-driven approach reveals substantial discrepancies between occupational classifications and the actual skill content of jobs. We further demonstrate that job-level variation in skill content constitutes an independent source of wage inequality-one that is obscured by analyses at the occupational level. These findings challenge the conventional view of occupations as coherent bundles of skills, offering new avenues for analyzing labor market stratification.
The finding that government policy is, “virtually unrelated to the desires of the low- and middle-income citizens” (Gilens 2005:789), is one of the most influential social science results of the last two decades. This article offers a new perspective on this finding. I show that the seemingly innocuous decision to restrict analyses to data where different income groups’ policy support differs (i.e., a preference gap exists) introduced Simpson’s paradox, leading to misleading conclusions about whose preferences policy reflects. The same concerns apply to analyses of responsiveness to men and women and to partisan groups. I also present evidence that other common approaches for evaluating policy responsiveness can produce equally misleading conclusions. These findings suggest a need to reconsider conventional wisdom about political influence. The conclusion offers methodological recommendations and discusses implications related to understanding social and economic inequality and support for populist candidates.
A rich literature in sociology argues that familiarity with legitimate culture creates favorable perceptions of individuals’ status and qualities, which in turn yield privilege. Yet, it remains unclear which tastes affect what perceptions by how much. To address these important questions, we designed a survey experiment in Denmark that “dissects” and quantifies the effect of individuals’ tastes across six taste domains (music, food, performing arts, leisure, sport, and literature) on perceptions of status and qualities. Ignoring taste domains, we find that an individual whose taste profile in general includes more legitimate tastes is perceived more favorably in terms of status and qualities but less favorably in terms of sociability. Dissecting taste distinction by domain, we find that tastes in music and food have the strongest effect on perceptions, whereas tastes in other domains have little effect. Finally, we find that the substantive (and not just statistical) effect of tastes is large with regard to perceptions of cultural sophistication and sociability but small with regard to perceptions of social rank, earnings, and respectability. Overall, our results show that not all taste domains matter equally, legitimate tastes elicit both positive and negative perceptions, and tastes are powerful signals.
The influential “echo chamber” hypothesis suggests that social media drive polarization through a mutual reinforcement between isolation and radicalization. The existence of such echo chambers has been a central focus of academic debate, with competing studies finding ostensibly contradictory empirical evidence. This article identifies a fundamental methodological limitation of these empirical studies: they do not differentiate between negative and positive interactions. To overcome this limitation, we develop a method to extract signed network representations of Twitter/X debates using machine learning. Applying our approach to a major Dutch cultural controversy, we show that the inclusion of negative interactions provides a new empirical picture of the dynamics of online polarization. Our findings suggest that conflict, not isolation, is at the heart of polarization.
Men's early adult experiences shape the life chances of their future children. For Black men in the United States, systemic exclusion from educational and labor market opportunity has long constrained intergenerational mobility. We examine whether military service alters this trajectory, drawing on the US Panel Study of Income Dynamics (1968-2023, N=7,808 father-child pairs) to investigate college completion among adult children whose fathers were born between 1920 and 1976. Since the mid-twentieth century, the Armed Forces have offered Black men racial integration, occupational advancement, economic stability, and educational benefits that were less available in civilian society. Black fathers' military service increased children's probability of earning a bachelor's degree by 53 percent compared with children of Black nonveterans, with larger differences when fathers served before the transition to an all-volunteer force. Gains were attributable to GI Bill benefit receipt and diversion out of limited civilian opportunity in early adulthood. White fathers' veteran status conferred no educational advantage to their children, reflecting different counterfactuals: service provided greater relative benefits when the alternative was a racially closed civilian opportunity structure rather than an open one.
