Forced migration to Europe is growing in numbers and salience. In response, EU asylum services have been increasingly securitised, externalised and privatised. We investigate the functioning of marketised asylum regimes through the perspective of street-level bureaucrats (workers, civil servants and volunteers) working in the Irish asylum system, the only completely privatised asylum system in the EU. Interviews show that street-level bureaucrats' experiences are negatively affected by the same systemic flaws previously found to be violating migrants' rights. Furthermore, unlike civil servants and volunteers, staff of private reception centres detach their work and professional identity from the idea of belonging to an institutionalised asylum system, implicitly rejecting their role in perpetuating the system and their categorisation as street-level bureaucrats. We posit that this disconnection both influences and is caused by the marketised nature of the system, impeding the traditional role of street-level bureaucrats as bottom-up 'policymakers'.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, there were months of delay in deploying community pharmacies for the National COVID-19 Vaccination Programme in Ireland. We aimed to explore what may have accounted for this delay between 15th December 2020 (publication of policies) and 14th June 2021 (commencement of community pharmacy-based vaccination). We carried out a multi-method qualitative case study that involved engaging with 11 stakeholders, reviewing 246 documents, and conducting semi-structured interviews with 11 policy elites. Using reflexive thematic analysis, we developed three themes. The first provides evidence that the delay was, in part, due to operational barriers related to the logistical and safety aspects of the Programme. The second, on the other hand, presents a perspective that the delay was unreasonable as it was based on perceived deficits in community pharmacies. Finally, the third highlights the inability of the pharmacy profession to influence health policy due to a lack of strategic and cohesive leadership and the dominance of the medical profession. Overall, we argue that the delay can be explained by a complex interplay between technical, socio-political, institutional, and regulatory factors, underpinned by a chronic lack of strategic direction for pharmacy in the Irish health system.

AbstractA common perspective in migration studies is that of a North-South divide in European labour migration governance, with Southern European countries exhibiting a distinct – and generally less efficient – approach to the admission of migrants. Southern European states are known for their use of quotas, regularisations and the lack of emphasis on attracting highly skilled labour immigrants from outside of the European Union (EU). This chapter explores Italian labour immigration policy to assess whether its admission policy and practice has traditionally diverged from the Northern European approach and, if this has been the case, whether it has remained dissimilar since the disruption of the international financial crisis of 2008. I find similarities and differences between the Italian regime and labour immigration regimes in Northern Europe between the late 1990s and 2008. While the regulatory instruments (apart from general numerical limits on labour immigration) were like those used in Northern Europe, the Italian system was more open to permanent low and medium skilled labour immigration from outside the EU and had a more significant gap between itsfaçade(laws) and practice than its neighbours in the North. The similarities with Northern European regimes have increased since 2008, as the system has become more selective, emphasising seasonal and occupational/sectoral permits, along with a stronger reliance on free movement and non-economic forms of immigration.

This paper applies institutionalist theories to an exploration of continuity and change in the Italian labor immigration regime between 1990 and 2020. It asks why the regime has remained largely unchanged since the 1990s and investigates changes in regulatory settings since 2008. The explanation for the reproduction and inertia of the regime encompasses a logic of appropriateness, institutional functional complementarity and the political weakness of opposition to the status quo. The restrictions placed on labor immigration since 2008 are explained by economic and humanitarian crises and the evolution of migratory flows to Italy, which has provided alternative sources of labor.

While students of immigrant origin often face difficulties during their school career, their educational aspirations and expectations have been found to be relatively high. Less is known, however, about the aspirations and expectations of students of migrant descent in more recent countries of immigration. Furthermore, occupational expectations have received less attention in the literature. Drawing on data from a nationally representative longitudinal study of Irish children, this paper provides the first investigation of the Irish case by comparing the educational and occupational expectations of Irish teens across five ethnic groups. Additionally, it explores how these expectations might translate into entry into third-level education by linking them to subject level choice in secondary school. The results suggest that expectations and subject level choice may be surprisingly similar across the groups, with no evidence of any substantial differences being found.

This article investigates the main factors influencing the success of welfare reforms in the context of crises. It focuses on the healthcare reform plan proposed in Ireland in the aftermath of the Great Recession, which aimed at the establishment of a universal health system but was only very partially implemented. As the plan would have required an increase in public expenditure, it may be expected that cost concerns explain the overall reform outcome in the context of an economic crisis. However, analysis of the process leading to the abandonment of a central element of the plan and the partial introduction of another component shows that, apart from financial concerns, the outcome is explained by three politico-institutional factors: the political orientation of the parties in government; electoral (dis)incentives in pursuing different elements of the reform; and the extent of institutional change associated with them.

This article evaluates how foreign-born residents perceive the Irish health system compared to the Irish-born. Using data from the European Social Survey (2002-2012), the article finds that the foreign-born are more positive than the native-born regarding the Irish health system. This positive attitude is most pronounced in the first years after their arrival and decreases with time spent in Ireland. However, perceptions vary according to the country of origin: Polish migrants are much more positive about the Irish health system than the Irish, while British-born residents rate the system just slightly more positively than Irish natives.

This article critically examines the existing explanations for the initiation and perpetuation of labour migration to Italy between the 1970s and early 2000s and highlights the role of labour market institutions in shaping demand for migrant labour. It posits that the institutions governing the labour market in Italy have contributed to creating demand for migrant workers first by generating a significant amount of low-standard employment and second by producing massive obstacles and disincentives to the labour market participation of the domestic supply of labour.

This article examines the accessibility of healthcare in Ireland between 2003 and 2011 in the context of strong economic growth (2003–2007) and the subsequent financial crisis, which began in 2008. It investigates, in particular, changes in self-reported difficulties in accessing healthcare with regard to distance to health services, waiting times for appointments and the costs of seeing a doctor, and identifies particular risk factors that increase the likelihood of facing barriers in accessing health services. We conduct logistic regression analyses of cross-sectional data from the three rounds (2003, 2007, 2011) of the European Quality of Life Survey of 2682 individuals living in private households in Ireland. The study finds that the number of individuals reporting difficulties in accessing healthcare increased over time. Of particular concern are difficulties with the financial costs of covering doctor’s appointments, which started to increase dramatically prior to the economic crisis and continued to rise during the crisis, in particular for higher income groups. Difficulties with distance and waiting time declined gradually over time and appear unaffected by the financial crisis, at least until 2011. Subgroups that face significantly more difficulties are women, younger individuals, the full-/part-time employed and individuals with poor health status. Our findings contribute to the recent discussion on the effects of institutional barriers on accessing health services in the context of significant economic change.

The British economy is structurally dependent on migrant workers because it is lightly regulated and depends heavily on domestic demand, write Alexandre Afonso and Camilla Devitt. They explain why less immigration will require a greater role for the state. The desire to lower immigration was one of the main drivers behind the Brexit vote. Now, Theresa May's cabinet has signalled its ...

Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to explore the ethnically diverse workplace in Irish hospitals by examining the perspectives of foreign-and Irish-born professionals and their managers. Design/methodology/approach - Semi-structured qualitative interviews with 30 health professionals (foreign-and Irish-born) and with hospital managers (Irish-born). All interviews were transcribed and analysed using thematic analysis. Findings - The managers and professionals interviewed mostly perceived ethnically diverse workplaces as an asset. Health professionals also identified a number of challenges, including internal divisions based on ethnicity, language and communication problems and cultural differences. However, in general, discrimination on the basis of ethnicity was not highlighted by interviewees. Research limitations/implications - While the qualitative design of the study allowed for an in-depth exploration of experiences in ethnically diverse workplaces in selected Irish hospitals, the relatively small sample size poses some limitations. The study brings to light the need for larger-scale survey-based research on the ethnically diverse workplace in Irish hospitals, which includes Irish-and foreign-born health professionals in the sample. Originality/value - The study includes a variety of perspectives on experiences in ethnically diverse workplaces in Irish hospitals, including foreign-born health professionals, their Irish-born colleagues and hospital managers.

This article provides an overview of the literature connecting comparative political economy and international migration in advanced industrialized countries with a focus on the relationship between labour migration, labour markets and welfare institutions. Immigration flows and policies are considered both as independent (how migration shapes capitalist institutions) and dependent variables (how migration flows and policies are shaped by capitalist institutions). First, we discuss the impact of international migration on labour market institutions, welfare states and skill production regimes. Secondly, we discuss how labour market institutions and welfare arrangements shape migrant inflows and migration policies, notably via the structuration of interests of employers, organized labour and governments. We emphasize the ideas of liberalization, segmentation, substitution and complementarity to grasp the relationship between immigration and labour market institutions.

This article analyses Irish labor supply policies in the context of full male employment between 1997 and 2007, exploring whether policymakers made a choice between facilitating the employment of resident mothers by means of developing childcare infrastructure and opening up the labor market to foreign workers. I find that the Irish state did not make an explicit choice between the two labor supplies. However, while labor immigration was greatly expanded, the attempt made to develop childcare infrastructure was inadequate. A cultural setting of familialism and low public social expenditure and a generally positive view of immigration explain the limited state investment in childcare.

With the signing of the ASEAN Framework Agreement for the Integration of Priority Sectors (FA) in 2004, migration and integration issues gained significance on the agenda. Primarily concerned with increasing economic growth, this framework excludes the integration of low and unskilled migrant workers; instead, ASEAN efforts to address migration and integration issues have been limited to Mutual Recognition Agreements for skilled labour and professionals. After an analysis of migration policy in the region, we highlight specific barriers to the integration of labour migrants in two priority sectors – nursing, which is highly regulated by the state, and Information, Communications and Technology (ICT), which is typically selfregulated and privately run. Despite a MRA for nursing allowing registered nurses to practice in another ASEAN country under supervision of local nurses without registering with the host country’s nursing regulatory authority, in practice, there are major barriers to the free movement of nurses within ASEAN in terms of skills recognition, licensure requirements and other protectionist measures. Although regulations governing the inflow of ICT professionals are not as stringent as those for healthcare professionals, private costs associated with job search and gaining foreign employment are higher in the ICT sector, largely due to limited information on international mobility within the industry. Three sets of barriers to greater integration are discussed. First, the economic and political diversity within ASEAN makes integration more problematic than in the European Union. Second, the primary concern with value-adding economic growth means that regional agreements are focused on skilled and professional labour migration only. Third, the “ASEAN way” of doing things – via a strong emphasis on consensus and non-interference with domestic policies – often means that the FA provision for the free movement of labour is usually trumped by domestic policies that do not reflect the same desire for labour integration.

This article provides an overview of the literature connecting comparative political economy and international migration in advanced industrialised countries with a focus on the relationship between labour migration, labour markets and welfare institutions. Immigration flows and policies are considered both as independent (how migration shapes capitalist institutions) and dependent variables (how migration flows and policies are shaped by capitalist institutions). First, we discuss the impact of international migration on labour market institutions, welfare states and skill production regimes. Second, we discuss how labour market institutions and welfare arrangements shape migrant inflows and migration policies, notably via the structuration of interests of employers, organised labour and governments. We emphasise the ideas of liberalisation, segmentation, substitution and complementarity to grasp the relationship between immigration and labour market institutions.