Scholars have observed people from a variety of cultures using a variety of gratitude-related practices to change their emotions, outlooks, and social relationships. Across 34 countries purposefully sampled to cover a broad set of cross-cultural differences (total N = 10,772), we experimentally tested the effects of 6 popular gratitude practices on subjective moods, life outlooks, and social evaluations. Consistent with multiple theoretical accounts, gratitude practices produced immediate (but small) improvements in positive affect (d = 0.36), negative affect (d = -0.22), optimism (d = 0.24), life satisfaction (d = 0.11), indebtedness (d = 0.15), and envy (d = -0.16). Notably, these effects varied across different gratitude practices (0.00 < τpractice < 0.08) and countries (0.10 < τcountry < 0.19). For instance, based on existing evidence, stakeholders can expect gratitude interventions deployed in a randomly-selected country to improve positive affect – but not our other measured outcomes. To guide future inquiry into why this might be the case, we provide exploratory Bayesian estimates of the importance of 12 types of cross-cultural differences.

Scholars have observed people from a variety of cultures using a variety of gratitude-related practices to change their emotions, outlooks, and social relationships. Across 34 countries purposively sampled to cover a broad set of cross-cultural differences (total N = 10,696), we experimentally tested the effects of 6 brief gratitude interventions on subjective moods, life outlooks, and social evaluations. Compared to 3 control tasks, gratitude practices immediately produced theorized improvements in positive affect (d = 0.37), negative affect (d = -0.22), optimism (d = 0.24), life satisfaction (d = 0.12), indebtedness (d = 0.15), and envy (d = -0.16). Notably, these effects varied across different gratitude practices (0.00 < τpractice < 0.08) and countries (0.10 < τcountry < 0.19). For instance, based on existing evidence, stakeholders can expect gratitude interventions deployed in a randomly selected country to improve positive affect-but not our other measured outcomes. To guide future inquiry into why this might be the case, we provide exploratory Bayesian estimates of the importance of 12 cross-cultural differences.

Research on culture and personality has greatly enhanced personality science by bringing attention to the bidirectional processes by which socio-cultural factors shape personality and individuals in turn shape their social environments to fit and express their personalities. This review showcases the unique perspectives and topical contributions of five different sets of experts, who examine these issues from different standpoints and answer different questions. Specifically, these contributions focus on (1) the usefulness of anthropology-based distributive models of culture, (2) how culture and personality make-up each other, (3) the cultural and ecological basis of wellbeing, (4) how individual personality expressions relate to culture, and (5) the multicultural mind and self. These advances put personality psychology at the center of important current social science debates about the dynamic interplay between macro-level factors and individual variables, and how individuals can best manage cultural diversity and globalization.

Curiosity (wanting to know more) is critical for human learning and social interactions. Does curiosity relate to well-being? To address this question, we tested whether curiosity is associated with three dimensions of well-being: happiness, meaning in life, and psychological richness (a dimension of well-being characterized by diverse, perspective-changing experiences). Across six studies, psychological richness was consistently associated with curiosity, whereas happiness and meaning in life were not. Individuals leading psychologically richer lives self-reported greater curious tendencies (Studies 1–3; N = 5,363 across 13 countries) and exhibited greater behavioral indicators of curiosity, including more frequent exploratory behaviors in a two-week daily diary (Study 4; N = 203) and greater willingness to learn information in a laboratory setting (Study 5; N = 272). Finally, Study 6 (N = 451) demonstrated that individuals induced to value psychological richness showed greater willingness to learn compared to those in the control condition. Together, these findings suggest that curiosity is closely linked to well-being—particularly through its association with psychological richness.

Gratitude practice is a popular strategy for promoting happiness worldwide. However, is it equally effective for people from different cultural backgrounds? To answer this question, we conducted a preregistered meta-analysis on the effectiveness of gratitude interventions on well-being across cultures. Using data from 145 papers, 163 samples, 727 effect sizes, and 24,804 participants from 28 countries, we found that gratitude interventions led to small overall increases in well-being, Hedges' g = 0.19, 95% CI [0.15, 0.22]. Moderation analyses revealed significant between-country differences in the effects of gratitude interventions. However, we found no significant evidence of moderators explaining such cross-cultural variability, highlighting the need for more primary research in this domain. Subsequent analyses indicated that three methodological characteristics moderated the effects: well-being outcomes, intervention types, and randomization. The effectiveness of gratitude interventions was greater when well-being outcomes were measured as positive affect, when multiple types of gratitude interventions were combined, and when randomized controlled trials were employed. Overall, the results appeared to be robust against publication bias and the presence of influential cases. These findings contribute to a deeper understanding of the effectiveness of gratitude interventions on well-being across cultural contexts and methodological characteristics.

Cross‐cultural research on happiness has repeatedly found that the individuals in East Asian cultural contexts report lower levels of happiness than those in Western cultures. In this review, we focus on the five cultural mechanisms that may underlie the mean‐level differences in happiness between the East and the West: (1) self‐enhancing independence versus self‐effacing interdependence, (2) internal versus external standards, (3) norm strength and social comparison, (4) analytic versus dialectical thinking, and (5) high versus low relational mobility. Such cultural differences in psychological processes have far‐reaching consequences for individuals' cognitive, affective, and behavioral processes related with happiness. We present existing empirical findings documenting how psychological tendencies characteristic of East Asians may account for their relatively lower levels of happiness compared to Westerners. Finally, we propose future research directions to fill the gap in the current literature on happiness and culture.

Objective/BackgroundConservative ideology, broadly speaking, has been widely linked to greater happiness and meaning in life. Is that true of all forms of a good life? We examined whether a psychologically rich life is associated with political orientation, system justification, and Protestant work ethic, independent of two other traditional forms of a good life: a happy life and a meaningful life.MethodParticipants completed a questionnaire that assessed conservative worldviews and three aspects of well-being (N = 583 in Study 1; N = 348 in Study 2; N = 436 in Study 3; N = 1,217 in Study 4; N = 2,176 in Study 5; N = 516 in Study 6).ResultsHappiness was associated with political conservatism and system justification, and meaning in life was associated with Protestant work ethic. In contrast, zero-order correlations showed that psychological richness was not associated with conservative worldviews. However, when happiness and meaning in life were included in multiple regression models, the nature of the association shifted: Psychological richness was consistently inversely associated with system justification and on average less political conservatism, suggesting that happiness and meaning in life were suppressor variables.ConclusionsThese findings suggest that happiness and meaning in life are associated with conservative ideology, whereas psychological richness is not.

Experiential avoidance, a central treatment target of Acceptance and Commitment Therapy (ACT), involves avoiding uncomfortable internal states and trying to control them. While some researchers suggest several components of ACT align with East Asian values, indicating the possibility of lower experiential avoidance among East Asians compared to Westerners, previous cross-cultural studies have challenged this notion. This study aimed to draw conclusions regarding cultural differences in experiential avoidance between East Asian and Western cultures through two studies. Using a meta-analysis in Study 1, we systematically reviewed previous cross-cultural studies that compared experiential avoidance between the two cultures. Six cross-cultural studies were included in the meta-analysis. In Study 2, we sought to replicate the findings using a large sample of college students. Across studies, East Asians reported greater experiential avoidance compared to Westerners, with significant heterogeneity in effect sizes observed (Study 1). Results from Study 2 showed that being an East Asian predicted greater experiential avoidance when accounting for distress and other covariates. Further, the correlation between experiential avoidance and distress was weaker among East Asian students relative to White students. Our results highlight that elevated levels of experiential avoidance in East Asians may need to be interpreted differently in clinical setting, while within-culture individual differences also need to be considered.

We examined the accuracy of well-being judgments by strangers using Brunswik's lens model. A sample of 200 college students (targets) reported their self-perception of well-being (life satisfaction, positive affect, and negative affect). The targets were photographed and videotaped during their self-introductions. Various physical, nonverbal, paralinguistic, and linguistic cues were measured or rated by cue coders from the photos and videotaped self-introductions. Strangers evaluated the targets' well-being based on the videotaped self-introductions. We found significant correlations between self- and strangers' reports of life satisfaction and positive affect but not negative affect. Loud voice and physical attractiveness mediated the correlation between self- and stranger-reports of life satisfaction. Loud voice mediated the correlation between self- and stranger reports of positive affect. These findings suggest that strangers can accurately evaluate someone's life satisfaction and positive affect in brief self-introductions, and loud voice and physical attractiveness are the sources of the accurate well-being judgments.

Four studies investigated the structural relationship between gratitude and indebtedness to God. In a longitudinal study (Study 1), gratitude and indebtedness to God (rs =.70 and .57) remained stable over 42-50 days, with a stronger correlation between gratitude and indebtedness to God than between dispositional gratitude and indebtedness. The gratitude-indebtedness to God correlation was stronger among less religious than more religious participants. A multitrait-multimethod study (Study 2) replicated Study 1 with self-reports and informant-reports. Study 3 replicated Studies 1 and 2 and found that gratitude to God was more distinct from indebtedness to God among those who see God as benevolent, mystical, and limitless. Study 4 compared gratitude and indebtedness to God, mothers, and mobile phones, and found that the gratitude-indebtedness correlation for God was much stronger than for mothers or phones. Overall, gratitude and indebtedness to God appear far more closely intertwined than gratitude and indebtedness to other entities.

We conducted four studies to examine the structural relation between gratitude and indebtedness to God. A longitudinal study (Study 1) showed substantial stability of gratitude and indebtedness to God. The correlation between gratitude and indebtedness to God was stronger than the correlation between dispositional gratitude and indebtedness. The gratitude-indebtedness to God correlation was stronger among less religious than more religious participants. A multitrait-multimethod study (Study 2) replicated Study 1. Gratitude to God was more distinct of indebtedness to God among those who view God as benevolent, mystical, and limitless than those who do not (Study 3). The correlation between gratitude and indebtedness to God was stronger than the correlation between gratitude and indebtedness toward mother or phone (Study 4).

Past research has shown that perceived partner responsiveness (PPR) is a key process contributing to individual and relational outcomes and identified dispositional, relational, and situational factors that can influence it. However, little is known about how cultural factors play a role in the process of PPR. In Studies 1 ( n = 4,041) and 2 ( n = 414), we examined whether the degree of PPR differs across cultures by comparing European Americans and East Asians. We found that East Asians are less likely to experience perceived responsiveness from others than European Americans (Cohen’s d = 1.11–1.25 for Study 1 and Cohen’s d = 0.23 for Study 2). Furthermore, we found that self-consistency explained the cultural difference in PPR, indicating that East Asians underperceived partner responsiveness compared with European Americans because they behave less consistently across social situations. We conclude by highlighting the importance of exploring the process of PPR from a cultural perspective.

We explored in three cultures (the United States, Korea, and Costa Rica) the association between subjective well-being (SWB) and behaviors often described as positive or beneficial. In two studies we found that three forms of subjective well-being (positive affect, negative affect, and life satisfaction) were associated with several categories of behavior (health behavior, supportive behavior, citizenship behavior, and creative behavior). Most of the associations were significant in three nations and not significantly different between nations. Furthermore, we examined whether there exists a significant association between common variance across types of SWB and common variance of categories of behaviors. We found that there was a significant common pathway between a latent SWB factor and a latent behavior factor, along with unique associations between individual SWB and behavior categories. We conclude that the SWB and behavior associations are widespread across the three distinct cultures.

Psychologists typically conceptualize a good life either in terms of hedonic (e.g. life satisfaction, positive affect) or eudaimonic well-being (e.g. meaning, fulfillment of potential). In the current research, we explored another form of a good life: the psychologically rich life. In Study 1, we conducted a 14-day daily diary study ( N = 203). In Study 2, we compared Chinese studying in the United States ( N = 97) with Chinese studying in China ( N = 169). In Study 3, we conducted a 12-week weekly survey study among Americans studying abroad ( N = 43) and Americans studying in the United States ( N = 100). In Study 4, we recruited students who had studied abroad ( N = 84) and their friends (informants) who did not ( N = 76). Study 1 showed that participants who scored higher in a psychologically rich life were more likely to take a short trip during the 14-day period. In Studies 2 to 4, those who studied abroad reported higher levels of a psychologically rich life than those who did not. Unusual experiences such as study abroad were consistently associated with higher levels of psychological richness, whereas they were not consistently associated with life satisfaction, positive affect, and meaning in life.

What kind of life do people want? In psychology, a good life has typically been conceptualized in terms of either hedonic or eudaimonic well-being. We propose that psychological richness is another neglected aspect of what people consider a good life. In study 1 (9-nation cross-cultural study), we asked participants whether they ideally wanted a happy, a meaningful, or a psychologically rich life. Roughly 7 to 17% of participants chose the psychologically rich life. In study 2, we asked 1611 Americans and 680 Koreans what they regret most in their lives; then, if they could undo or reverse the regretful event, whether their lives would have been happier, more meaningful, or psychologically richer as a result. Roughly 28% of Americans and 35% of Koreans reported their lives would have been psychologically richer. Together, this work provides a foundation for the study of psychological richness as another dimension of a good life.

Two studies examined whether extraversion was associated with different types of geographical preferences. During the first study, participants were given free time and directed to return to the designated location after 45 min, where they completed a questionnaire. This study found that extraversion is inversely associated with the seclusion level of the space in which participants preferred to spend this free time. In Study 2 participants in various university campus locations completed a personality questionnaire. Extraversion was positively associated with the openness of the location, and inversely associated with the distance from the center of the campus. These findings suggest that extraversion is systematically associated with different space preferences and use. (C) 2020 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Residential mobility has become a common experience for people in most parts of the world. As the number of people moving to different cities, states, and countries increases, it is critical to understand how this residential mobility affects one's thoughts, emotions, and actions. Psychological research on residential mobility over a decade is such an endeavor. We briefly summarize the earlier research in psychology that demonstrated the importance of residential mobility in understanding important psychological constructs such as self-concepts, social relationships, and well-being. We then review recent evidence in psychology and relevant fields that replicated and extended the earlier research. We discuss what is missing in the current literature and what additional research is needed in the future.

Psychologists have thought of a good life in terms of its happiness or meaning. We propose that psychological richness is another, neglected aspect of a good life. In Study 1, we administered an initial questionnaire to a student sample, testing 2-week test-retest stability, convergent validity using informant reports. We conducted further tests of the scale's factor structure, its correlations with personality and demographic variables, and the generalizability of this psychological richness measure in a nonstudent American sample (Study 2), a nationally-representative probability sample of Americans (Study 3) and in a sample from India (Study 4). In all 4 studies, a psychologically rich life was predicted by openness to experience, extraversion, and lower levels of neuroticism. (C) 2019 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Which is more enjoyable: trying to think enjoyable thoughts or doing everyday solitary activities?Wilson et al. (2014) found that American participants much preferred solitary everyday activities, such as reading or watching TV, to thinking for pleasure.To see whether this preference generalized outside of the United States, we replicated the study with 2,557 participants from 12 sites in 11 countries.The results were consistent in every country: Participants randomly assigned to do something reported significantly greater enjoyment than did participants randomly assigned to think for pleasure.Although we found systematic differences by country in how much participants enjoyed thinking for pleasure, we used a series of nested structural equation models to show that these differences were fully accounted for by country-level variation in 5 individual differences, 4 of which were positively correlated with thinking for pleasure (need for cognition, openness to experience, meditation experience, and initial positive affect) and 1 of which was negatively correlated (reported phone usage).