As generative artificial intelligence (GenAI) reshapes digital journalism, questions about its consequences for media credibility and audience selectivity have intensified. Drawing on the Technology Acceptance Model (TAM), the Unified Theory of Acceptance and Use of Technology (UTAUT), and research on algorithm aversion, this study examines how distinct GenAI applications influence users' evaluations of news organizations. We conducted a pre-registered choice-based conjoint experiment in Chile (N = 2145), a context marked by declining trust in news and increasing AI adoption. The design varied seven domains of GenAI use-including supporting tasks, content creation, personalization, human oversight, and transparency-to estimate their causal effects on perceived media credibility and outlet selection. Results show that users differentiate sharply across GenAI functions. Human oversight and disclosure emerge as the strongest positive predictors of both credibility and selection. In contrast, using GenAI for menial tasks or personalization does not significantly affect evaluations, while automated content production modestly reduces credibility and selection. Attitudes toward AI moderate effects on selection but not credibility. These findings indicate that audience responses are shaped less by the mere presence of GenAI than by the accountability structures governing its use.
Intimate image abuse, often called "revenge porn," is a form of sexual exploitation that disproportionately targets women, especially those in public life. This research focuses on a case study of former U.S. Representative Katie Hill, who resigned from Congress after nude photographs of her were published without her consent. Analyzing social media content, this research examines how users framed Hill's case and constructed meaning. This investigation sheds light on how gender and power in online mediated spaces cannot be distinguished from the inequalities and ideologies found in our so-called offline social interactions.
Digital literacy is often proposed as a remedy for misinformation, yet empirical evidence regarding its effectiveness remains mixed. One reason for these inconsistencies lies in the multidimensional nature of both literacy and misinformation. This article focuses on algorithmic literacy, a distinct and increasingly central form of digital literacy in platform-mediated communication, and examines how its cognitive and behavioral dimensions relate to multiple facets of misinformation engagement. Drawing on two probabilistic survey studies conducted in Chile—a nationally representative face-to-face survey ( N = 1,200) and a random-digit-dial telephone survey of urban adults ( N = 2,265)—we analyze how cognitive (algorithmic awareness and knowledge) and behavioral (strategic actions to navigate algorithmic systems) dimensions of algorithmic literacy relate to perceived misinformation exposure, misinformation sharing, objective and subjective news knowledge, and knowledge miscalibration. Across both studies, a consistent pattern emerges: algorithmic literacy is more strongly associated with cognitive outcomes—especially perceived misinformation exposure and knowledge—than with behavioral outcomes like sharing. Higher algorithmic awareness consistently predicts greater perceived exposure, suggesting heightened recognition, while its link to sharing behavior is less consistent. These studies highlight the relevance of distinguishing cognitive from behavioral dimensions of literacy across different stages of misinformation engagement.
This study advances a relational and translocal approach to hybridization through a comparative computational analysis of how feminist and anti-feminist discourses coevolve across seven Spanish-speaking Twitter communities. Drawing on 126,978 tweets from the first year of #MeToo, we use time-series analysis, topic modeling, and cross-national comparison to examine how discourses interact and how national contexts shape thematic trajectories. We identify 4 relational patterns—mutual association, feminist-driven dynamic, anti-feminist-driven dynamic, and no association—showing that these movements are not merely reactive, but dynamically shape one another. Topic modeling reveals that specific countries assert discursive leadership, illustrating that linguistic commonality does not imply homogeneous uptake. These findings provide a comparative framework for understanding how polarized movements adapt, compete, and interact in networked publics, with implications for feminist strategizing.
In the realm of news consumption, individuals often establish recurrent patterns, integrating diverse sources into distinct repertoires. However, these patterns can change during unprecedented events like wars, political turmoil, and catastrophic incidents that alter daily routines. This study examines the potential of large-scale disruptions to transform news repertoires over the long run. Using survey data collected by the Digital News Report from 2019 to 2022 in Chile—a country with a stringent COVID-19 response, including extensive lockdowns, school and workplace closures, travel bans, and mandatory mask mandates—we employed latent class analysis to identify four distinct news repertoires: minimalists, pluralists, hyper consumers, and local news seekers. Each group displayed unique socio-demographic, motivational and attitudinal antecedents. Despite this, news consumption patterns showed significant stability over time, highlighting the resilience of news repertoires amid societal disruptions.
As in other Latin American countries, institutional trust in Chile has been sharply declining in the last 20 years, especially in the case of state and non-state political institutions that are key to sustaining democracy. Explanations of this trust crisis have focused mostly on social, political and economic factors. This paper, however, addresses the phenomenon from the institution's perspective, tapping into the narratives, conceptualizations, and thoughts of its protagonists, and relies on a case study of the Chilean Congress, the institution with the lowest trust in the South American country. Based on 15 in-depth interviews with deputies and senators, we explore the main discourses of members of Congress regarding the causes and dynamics of the institutional trust crisis they face. Findings show that these politicians downplay the scope and magnitude of a crisis they consider it is not their responsibility to solve. Instead, they blame, among others, the media for what they perceive as unfair coverage, which they argue has deteriorated public opinion about members of Congress.
Studies on misinformation often overlook people's assessment of true information, focusing instead on beliefs in and sharing of false content. This is problematic, as it limits scholars' ability to produce an accurate assessment of citizens' capacity to distinguish between true and false content. To shed light on this matter, this study relies on a two-wave online survey (Nrespondents = 465) to examine people's truth discernment, that is, how much they believe and share true content relative to false content. It does so in Chile over two different crises: after the 2019 protests (Wave 1, November 2019), and at the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic (Wave 2, May-June 2020). While true information was deemed credible more often than false information, discernment tended to be better for those who had a better perception of traditional media content and those more politically engaged. Conversely, credibility and sharing of false content tended to be more common with younger people and those with high levels of trust in social media. Over time, levels of credibility and sharing discernment remained stable.
Disinformation has influenced public trust in democratic institutions, particularly the media. Through examples from countries with varying levels of democratic quality, it is demonstrated how disinformation is used to polarize and politically mobilize. The role of the media in this context is crucial, as trust in them depends on multiple interrelated factors, such as the impact of disinformation on news consumption and public trust, the psychological and sociocultural factors that affect vulnerability to disinformation, and technological advances, especially generative artificial intelligence. Based on this diagnosis, mechanisms of self-regulation and increased transparency are proposed as foundations to improve trust. Additionally, the need for academic research on the role of digital platforms and algorithms in the spread of disinformation and its impact on trust and democratic quality is emphasized.
Drawing from the protest paradigm and the mediation opportunity structure, this study textually analyzes mainstream and alternative media coverage of the 2019 inequality protests in Chile and the 2020 racial justice protests in the United States. In both cases, violence and forceful policing were linked to the protests, allowing this study to explore mediated violence and compare the discursive construction of the demonstrations, protesters, and police as articulated through 1) violence/damage, 2) repression, 3) oppression, and 4) blame. Findings revealed Chilean and U.S. mainstream media emphasized protester violence in juxtaposition with police trying to maintain order, peacefulness was portrayed as a novelty, and violence was disengaged from historical context. In contrast, alternative media treated protester violence as a response to structural violence, and police repression of protesters was criticized. This study shows the continued pervasiveness of the protest paradigm in mainstream news, and the way alternative media can offer discursive opportunities to counterframe police and protester violence and challenge mainstream media's hostile portrayals of protesters' use of the logic of damage. Ultimately, we suggest media and discursive opportunity structures are key to understanding mainstream and alternative media portrayals of protests.
While feminist activism in Chile has been historically marginalized from the public debate, a new generation of digitally native, educated, and empowered feminist activists in Chile has embraced social media, algorithms and other technologies to denounce patriarchal order and advance social change toward gender equality. In this article, we argue that such strategy has given visibility to women's issues in the Chilean public sphere and contributed to important inroads in matters of gender justice.
Collaborative investigative journalism has been around at least since the 1970s, and with the rise of globalization, such projects increasingly have adopted global approaches, as evidenced by transnational projects like the Panama and Paradise Papers, which involved multiple newsrooms around the world, or cross-border networks, aimed at strengthening journalism and protecting journalists. A global mindset involves not just an awareness of common stories across borders – like immigration, the environment, drug trafficking, or the pandemic – but also a recognition of structural inequalities and cultural differences that impact reporting practices, news values and ethics, and even the content produced. The lessons learned from transnational, collaborative journalism offer a springboard for understanding the challenges and opportunities of international scholarly collaborations. In particular, we focus on collaborations between journalism scholars in the Global North and South in order to offer best practices for creating equitable, mutually beneficial partnerships that find value beyond Western paradigms while accounting for the repercussions of globalization and (neo)colonialism. North–South collaborations serve as a remedy to the universalism – and isolation – of scholarship informed by Northern concerns, question the power dynamics in academic research, and redress the invisibility of knowledge produced in the Global South. In this sense, collaborations between Northern and Southern scholars offer a better and more nuanced understanding of the range and complexity of journalism as a whole, which may be global in scope but is marked by contextual particularities.
This chapter argues that concepts used in organizational listening formulations—such as dialogue, two-way communication, or engagement—may work in Global North settings, but are not necessarily suitable in all international contexts. Therefore, distinct features of other cultures need to be considered when trying to successfully establish relationships with different publics in other national or regional contexts, such as Latin America, where distrust stemming from a history of colonialism, political instability, human right violations, and social inequalities have traditionally defined the configuration of publics and organizational communication practices. Because relationships, dialogue, and engagement between organizations and their publics do not occur in a vacuum, the practice and analysis of organizational listening in Latin America must be understood within a sociopolitical system that shapes communicative and listening processes.
When do users share fact-checks on social media? We describe a survey experiment conducted during the 2019 election in Argentina measuring the propensity of voters to share corrections to political misinformation that randomly confirm or challenge their initial beliefs. We find evidence of selective sharing-the notion that individuals prefer to share pro-attitudinal rather than counter-attitudinal fact-checks. This effect, however, is conditioned by the type of adjudication made by fact-checkers. More specifically, in line with motivated reasoning processes, respondents report a higher intent to share confirmations (i.e. messages fact-checked with a "true" rating) compared with refutations (i.e. messages fact-checked with a "false" rating). Experimental results are partially confirmed with a regression discontinuity analysis of observational data of Twitter and replicated with additional experiments. Our findings suggest that fact-checkers could increase exposure to their verifications on social media by framing their corrections as confirmations of factually correct information.