In the early days of the COVID-19 pandemic, people in England stepped outside their doors once a week to clap the National Health Service. What does this have to do with nationalism? On the face of it, nothing much: clapping exercised local, and not, national solidarities. I will show, however, that local solidarities performed in clapping rituals led to the regeneration of national imaginaries via the symbols on display and the national institutions through which pandemic experiences were channelled. My argument has three parts. First, I show that helping practices during the pandemic shaped local solidarities that found collective expression through clapping. Second, I explain how the local experiences of clapping merged with national imaginaries when performed on a national canvas with symbols that marked an imagined community of national clappers. Third, I argue that clapping was subsumed into a nascent national imaginary via nationally scoped institutions that were exercised to fight the pandemic. Whilst the local has long been appreciated as a site and source for nationalism, I have added how non-national local practices can also be constitutive of nationalism. A global pandemic led to national imaginaries via the local solidarities that were formed by clapping for carers.

Grounded Nationalisms provides its readers with a clear, cogent, and comprehensive theory for understanding nationalism in its many evolving forms. Maleševič presents us with a flexible yet durable nationalism; a nationalism that can and does assume multiple forms precisely because it is grounded in its more stable organisations, ideologies, and interactions. His is a theory for the mechanics of nationalism, its machinery – the processes and practices, ideas and structures that drive nationalism and churn out nations in different bespoke forms. It is a toolkit that gives us an elastic, shape-shifting nationalism. The same forms – organisations, ideologies, and interactions – can be and are used to produce different national content. The durability of these mechanical forms gives rise to, and indeed explains, the elasticity of its nationalism's shifting empirical content. There are no new nationalisms, Maleševič pointedly reminds us, only old ones reinvented and creatively adapted to new circumstances. But: this thing we made, can it be unmade? What are the limits of nationalism's elasticity? How far can it be stretched, conceptually, structurally, ideationally, and temporally before it ceases to be something we can convincingly call ‘nationalism’? Perhaps the only weakness of Maleševič's approach is that it has no weakness – no weakness built into the model for predicting nationalism's demise, no escape hatch for jettisoning nationalism, no flaw in the system for unravelling nationalism. In developing such a compelling theory for nationalism s strength, Maleševič has inadvertently revealed his theory's weakness: Grounded Nationalisms have no exit strategy.

East Europeans are integrating into life in the UK. This entails learning to get along with their new neighbours, but it also involves not getting along with certain neighbours. Integration is not confined to benevolent forms of everyday cosmopolitanism, multiculturalism and conviviality; it can also include more pathological forms, like racism. Whilst integration is generally seen as desirable, the learning that it entails necessarily includes less desirable practices and norms. The aim of this article is to show how East Europeans in the UK have been acquiring specifically British competencies of racism. This doesn't mean all East Europeans are racist or they always use racism; it does mean, however, that racism is a part of the integration equation. We focus on the racist and racializing practices of Poles, Hungarians and Romanians in Bristol in the UK. These East Europeans are using racism to insert themselves more favourably into Britain's racialized status hierarchies. This is a kind of integration.

Nations and NationalismVolume 24, Issue 3 p. 546-552 Themed Section Introduction: Everyday nationalism's evidence problem Jon E. Fox, Jon E. Fox jon.fox@bristol.ac.uk School of Sociology, Politics, and International Studies, University of Bristol, Bristol, UKSearch for more papers by this authorMaarten Van Ginderachter, Maarten Van Ginderachter Department of History, Universiteit Antwerpen, BelgiumSearch for more papers by this author Jon E. Fox, Jon E. Fox jon.fox@bristol.ac.uk School of Sociology, Politics, and International Studies, University of Bristol, Bristol, UKSearch for more papers by this authorMaarten Van Ginderachter, Maarten Van Ginderachter Department of History, Universiteit Antwerpen, BelgiumSearch for more papers by this author First published: 09 August 2018 https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12418Citations: 29Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume24, Issue3July 2018Pages 546-552 RelatedInformation

Nations and NationalismVolume 24, Issue 4 p. 862-866 Invited Submission Banal Nationalism in everyday life Jon E. Fox, Corresponding Author Jon E. Fox jon.fox@bristol.ac.uk orcid.org/0000-0003-2428-3482 School of Sociology, Politics, and International Studies, Centre for the Study of Ethnicity and Citizenship, University of Bristol, Bristol, UKSearch for more papers by this author Jon E. Fox, Corresponding Author Jon E. Fox jon.fox@bristol.ac.uk orcid.org/0000-0003-2428-3482 School of Sociology, Politics, and International Studies, Centre for the Study of Ethnicity and Citizenship, University of Bristol, Bristol, UKSearch for more papers by this author First published: 28 November 2018 https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12458Citations: 11Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume24, Issue4October 2018Pages 862-866 RelatedInformation

The British Journal of SociologyVolume 68, Issue 2 p. 366-372 Book Review Symposium on Us and Them? The Dangerous Politics of Immigration Control Stretching communities of value downward, sideways and forward Jon E. Fox, Corresponding Author Jon E. Fox jon.fox@bristol.ac.uk University of BristolCorresponding author email: jon.fox@bristol.ac.ukSearch for more papers by this author Jon E. Fox, Corresponding Author Jon E. Fox jon.fox@bristol.ac.uk University of BristolCorresponding author email: jon.fox@bristol.ac.ukSearch for more papers by this author First published: 05 June 2017 https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-4446.12260Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Volume68, Issue2June 2017Pages 366-372 RelatedInformation

Nations and NationalismVolume 23, Issue 3 p. 441-462 Debate Article Debate on understanding national identity by David McCrone and Frank Bechhofer Atsuko Ichijo, Atsuko Ichijo Department of Politics, International Relations and Human Rights, Kingston University, London, UKSearch for more papers by this authorJon E. Fox, Jon E. Fox School of Sociology, Politics, and International Studies, University of Bristol, Bristol, UKSearch for more papers by this authorArthur Aughey, Arthur Aughey Ulster University, Coleraine, UKSearch for more papers by this authorDavid McCrone, David McCrone School of Social and Political Science, University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, UKSearch for more papers by this authorFrank Bechhofer, Frank Bechhofer School of Social and Political Science, University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, UKSearch for more papers by this author Atsuko Ichijo, Atsuko Ichijo Department of Politics, International Relations and Human Rights, Kingston University, London, UKSearch for more papers by this authorJon E. Fox, Jon E. Fox School of Sociology, Politics, and International Studies, University of Bristol, Bristol, UKSearch for more papers by this authorArthur Aughey, Arthur Aughey Ulster University, Coleraine, UKSearch for more papers by this authorDavid McCrone, David McCrone School of Social and Political Science, University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, UKSearch for more papers by this authorFrank Bechhofer, Frank Bechhofer School of Social and Political Science, University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, UKSearch for more papers by this author First published: 06 June 2017 https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12314Citations: 3Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume23, Issue3July 2017Pages 441-462 This article also appears in:Nations and Nationalism Celebrates International Women’s Day RelatedInformation

In many parts of the world, nationalism has gone underground. It's there, just beneath the surface, underpinning the social order without requiring, or even permitting, much tinkering. This is the realm of the unselfconscious: nationhood not as an object of purposeful manipulation, but as an unspoken set of assumptions about the national order of things. But if the nation is unseen, unheard, unnoticed, how do we know this? Indeed, how can we know this? In this paper, I elaborate a breaching approach for uncovering the ways the nation is taken for granted. I look to the edges of the nation: the places, times and situations where the nation is on the periphery – the edges – of consciousness, lurking just beneath the surface where it might be teased out with a carefully concocted breach. My aim is to explore and exploit these edges to turn unselfconscious suppositions about the nation into explicit articulations of the nation.

Most studies demonstrating the vulnerability of labour migrants following the recession have focused on unemployment. This article examines how the labour market performance of East-European workers in the U.K. has been affected by the recession by focussing on four possible employment outcomes: unemployment, self-employment, over-qualification and part-time jobs. By showing the relatively low rates of unemployment amongst East-European migrants, which have become even lower following the recession, it argues that the vulnerability of immigrants in periods of economic downturn cannot always be solely measured in higher rates of immigrant unemployment. Labour migrants may be prompted to take jobs (any jobs) below their skills and qualifications, thus suggesting a trade-off' between unemployment and over-qualification.

The article focuses on the rise and spread of racist language in public debate in Hungary. It investigates how radical right discourses-that is, the relegitimating of the racist idea of "Gypsy crime"-have been transmitted by the mainstream media thus contributing to the decline of a short-lived political correctness in Hungary. The analysis explores how racism has become more and more accepted and how the mainstream has embraced the radical right's propositions, turning them into a "digestible" rhetoric while "breaking the taboos" of antiracism.

There is mounting evidence to suggest that East European migrants in the UK have been victims of discrimination. Reports of pay gaps point to the possibility of structural discrimination, restrictions on employment operate as a kind of legal discrimination, and politicians and the media have constructed East European migrants as different and at times threatening. The Hungarians and Romanians we spoke with in Bristol also reported some discrimination, albeit in ways that deflected its racialised connotations. But they also denied that they were victims of discrimination. Why would the supposed victims of discrimination deny discrimination? We argue they did this to attenuate, and potentially reverse, the status degradations they suffered as disadvantaged and at times racialised labour migrants in Britain. We examine two discursive strategies they employed to negotiate this higher status. First, they claimed a higher social class status by embracing the meritocratic values of the dominant class. Second, they claimed a higher racial status by emphasising their whiteness and Europeanness. These were discursive attempts to reposition themselves more favourably in Britain's racialised status hierarchies.

Nations and NationalismVolume 20, Issue 3 p. 586-587 BOOK REVIEW Michael Skey, National Belonging and Everyday Life: The Significance of Nationhood in and Uncertain World. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011, 200pp. £61.00 (hbk). Jon E Fox, Jon E Fox University of BristolSearch for more papers by this author Jon E Fox, Jon E Fox University of BristolSearch for more papers by this author First published: 15 June 2014 https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12079_2Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Volume20, Issue3July 2014Pages 586-587 RelatedInformation

The purpose of this special issue is to examine how diverse perspectives on difference are experienced and enacted by ordinary people in the everyday contexts of migration. Ethno-cultural interpretations of difference have come to be seen as inextricably linked with migration in political rhetoric, policy prescriptions, media coverage and institutional structures. Ethnicity is the ongoing product of migratory processes that give it both form and meaning, and it is the idiom through which the politics of multiculturalism expresses itself in accommodating (and sometimes constituting) post-immigration difference. This privileging of ethnicity is consequential. But as the contributors to this volume will demonstrate, it is not determinative. Understandings of difference are shaped not only by politicians, the media and public institutions; they are simultaneously the practical accomplishment of ordinary people engaging in routine activities. We situate our examinations of diverse modalities of experience in the everyday lives of the people claiming them. Our analyses neither privilege nor dismiss ethnicity, but rather consider how ethnicised views of the world exist and interact with other perspectives on difference

This paper examines how ethnicity informs the ways in which Romanian migrants in the UK cope with stigmatisation. Instead of assuming ethnicity's relevance, our purpose is to examine how responses to stigmatisation may or may not become ethnicised. We consider two strategies. The first strategy invokes and reinforces the salience of ethnicity, albeit in a negative and thus still stigmatised way. Instead of countering stigma with a positive reappraisal of Romanianness', some Romanians seek to transfer the stigma onto the ethnic Roma with whom they are frequently associated. This strategy thus acknowledges stigma, but attempts to detach it from the self and reattach it to the ethnicised other. The second strategy emphasises individual skills and accomplishments to overshadow the effects of a stigmatised ethnicity. Ethnicity is made less salient by this switch to a register of personal skill and worth. Exploring the interplay of these coping strategies, we highlight the fluctuating relevance, rather than declining relevance, of an ethnic lens' (Glick Schiller et al., 2006) in individual migrants' de-stigmatising discourses and practices that produce, transform or at times elide different ethnic boundaries.