In this paper, we aim to investigate the functional correlation among different linguistic categories (in a broad sense) in the pursuit of a given communicative purpose, and thus on the pragmatic level. We adopt an integrated model, so defined because it seeks to explore the interconnections among categories in interaction, while also taking into account multiple levels of discourse. From an empirical point of view, the paper illustrates the heuristic potential that can arise when correlating linguistic categories explored only independently until now with the pragmatic functions they can assume in context. Specifically, our research examines the range of pragmatically oriented functions developed by two constructions based on verbs of vision, namely guarda che... ("look that...") and non vedi che...? ("don't you see that...?"), analysed through a corpus-based approach. The analysis shows that the two constructions have developed meanings related to (im)politeness starting from a functional core that originally expressed other semantic-pragmatic values, such as allocution and evidentiality-a process of functional enrichment that points toward an `emergent' understanding of (im)politeness as shaped by context, evolving over time, and susceptible to shifts in function and pragmatic interpretation.

The aim of this paper is twofold: it seeks to provide both an introduction to the volume and a reasoned overview of the historical pragmatics of Italian, which constitutes the thematic and methodological thread uniting the contributions of this special issue. The paper offers a critical synthesis of key findings from previous studies in historical pragmatics, with particular focus on the Italian language, and re-evaluates the current state of the field along with recent trends in diachronically oriented pragmatic research on Italian, through which the contributions in this issue may also be contextualized. Drawing on these observations, the paper concludes with a discussion of a set of desiderata intended to guide the future development of the discipline.

I aim here to analyze the semantic and pragmatic functions of the negative question oukh horais? `don't you see?' in the context of dialogic interactions in Classical Greek. In light of recent studies on the intersubjective impact of evidential strategies, especially, though not exclusively, on their use in interrogative contexts, I propose to interpret oukh horais? as a non-canonical, assertive question with an evidential intersubjective value, primarily encompassing the domain of visual evidentiality but also allowing the expression of inferential evidentiality. It is shown that the oukh horais? strategy enables the speaker to (i) engage the hearer by guiding their focus to a visual source of information which is relevant to the construction of their interaction, (ii) make the hearer responsible, and (iii) share responsibility, ultimately with an agreement-seeking function. The analysis is corpus-based and investigates the occurrences of oukh horais? in all the plays by Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides and Aristophanes. Furthermore, it examines the occurrences of the non-negative question horais? `do you see?' for comparative purposes.

This study explores the correlation between synchronic constructional variation shown by ditransitive verbs in Late Latin and (possible) diachronic developments, investigating the reasons why such developments did or did not occur throughout the history of this language. Starting from a comparison with the rise of the so-called 'dative alternation' in English, which emerged from a scenario that, apparently, was similar to the one found in Late Latin, we address the question as to why in the diachrony of this language such a linguistic phenomenon did not develop at all for some verbs and did not become productive for others - what we may call the 'missing dative alternation' in Romance. Drawing on a corpus-based study of six verbs instantiating different types of ditransitive constructions since Early Latin, we show that each form has its own history, attesting to different instances of stability and/or change in its argument structure. We will also argue that when individual histories of single forms eventually converge on the same result, as happened in Romance, a comprehensive explanation is also needed. This study suggests such an explanation by shedding light on different functional motivations that triggered specific pathways of change and disfavoured other possible developments.

The aim of this paper is to connect the theory of politeness with the analysis of the linguistic category of evidentiality, following an approach that, to our knowledge, has never been adopted in studies on Ancient Greek. We shall apply this approach to the analysis of the linguistic means used to express evidentiality in passages taken from two plays by Aristophanes, The Clouds and Lysistrata. It will be shown how the need for avoiding a face threatening act may be a key factor in the speaker's choice of indirect or direct evidential strategies, in order to protect his/her pragmatic interests and to avoid conflictuality. In the light of this, we will provide an interpretation of evidentiality as a preventive face saving strategy within the context of dramatic dialogues.

Questo articolo ha come obiettivo quello di porre in correlazione la teoria della (s)cortesia con l’analisi della categoria linguistica dell’evidenzialità, secondo una prospettiva che non è mai stata adottata negli studi sul greco antico, quantomeno a nostra conoscenza. Attraverso l’analisi di passi tratti da due commedie di Aristofane, Le Nuvole e Lisistrata, cercheremo di dimostrare come la necessità di evitare un attacco alla propria faccia positiva, per tutelare i propri interessi pragmatici e scongiurare situazioni di conflittualità, possa essere un fattore chiave nella scelta di forme di evidenzialità di tipo indiretto o diretto. In quest’ottica, l’evidenzialità può essere interpretata come strategia preventiva di salvataggio della faccia nel contesto del dialogo realizzato sulla scena teatrale.

Functions, variation, change’explorestheinterfacebetweenmorphosyntaxandsemantics-pragmat-ics in the domain of referential and quantificational nominal expressions. We present case studies fromRomance and Germanic languages, dealing with both synchronic and diachronic aspects. Our aim is to empirically test, on the basis of comparative data, the most recent theoretical developments in the analysis of reference and quantification and to identify focal for future research.

This chapter deals with the variety of alignment types, as identified by typological research, to which ditransitive verbs gave rise in Old Italian, where the Recipient may be expressed not only as an indirect object, as is proper of ditransitive constructions in Modern Italian (showing indirective alignment), but also as a direct object: this mirrors the Latin state of affairs, where neutral alignment and secundative alignment were allowed beside indirective alignment. In this contribution it will be shown how the set of changes undergone by ditransitive constructions from Latin to Modern Italian is in principle larger and more complex than previously recognized, and how Old Italian is crucial when attempting to reconstruct the diachronic paths taken by this class of verbs. In particular, the factors will be investigated which can explain evolution, partial continuity and loss in the argument structure of Italian ditransitives.

This chapter offers a descriptive and theoretical account of ditransitives and reassesses the contribution of diachronic research to their analysis and understanding. It opens with some introductory remarks about the syntactic and semantic status of ditransitives from a functional-typological perspective. Then, it provides an updated state of the art on the relevant literature on the topic, showing that scholarship has thus far predominantly dealt with ditransitives from a synchronic viewpoint. However, given that one of the characteristic traits of ditransitive verbs and constructions is precisely their high degree of synchronic variation in terms of structural alternation and alignment split, the diachronic approach can shed light on distinct routes of evolution followed by these verbs across languages. The present chapter focuses on the main developmental pathways along which ditransitives change; it examines which factors play a role in determining the emergence or decay of competing ditransitive constructions, as well as the rise of new meanings and functions; finally, it discusses the general principles that seem to be involved in the functional reorganization of coexisting ditransitive constructions.

AbstractThis paper aims to describe the behavior of Latin verbs with three arguments basically encoding the transfer of aThemefrom anAgentto aRecipient: these verbs, labelled asditransitiveswithin the framework of linguistic typology, will be analyzed here on the basis of this theoretical approach. Across languages, the object arguments of ditransitives may be marked as thePatientof monotransitives or differently from it, giving rise to various types ofalignment: the most frequent are theindirective, thesecundativeand theneutral alignment. In Latin, these three basic types of alignment are attested with ditransitives in the active and passive voice, although they are differently distributed across the lexicon. Moreover, some verbs allow more than one type of encoding of the relevant arguments, showing alternating alignments. I shall focus on the reasons of the distribution and alternation of the three types, with the goal of providing a point of departure for a deeper understanding of ditransitives in the Latin language.

1. Abstract This article presents results of the “Good Day-Good Start Program,” an 8-week intervention designed to improve social competence and reduce antisocial behavior among elementary students diagnosed with ADHD. The intervention contained two components, a nutritious breakfast free of processed foods and sugar and yoga exercises and guided visualization designed to teach the students attention and relaxation. After the eight-week intervention, the students’ overall social competence mean score increased and the overall antisocial mean score decreased as measured by the School Social Behavior Scale (2 nd ed.) 2. Keywords: Attention; Attention Deficit/Hyperactivity; Nutrition; Yoga

This paper aims to investigate different manifestations of the change of code from Latin to Greek in Late Latin literature. These switches are interpreted as instances of a special type of bilingualism, namely, textual bilingualism. We have examined code switching and single-word switches in an annotated corpus including various literary genres, pursuing an integrated qualitative and quantitative approach. Our research has allowed us to identify different functions related to language-mixing practices in Late Latin, which point to different degrees of competence in Greek.

Abstract Intensification has traditionally been regarded as a category that is closely related to the concept of degree, i.e., to gradability (since Bolinger 1972). However, as has been shown by, among others, Paradis (2001, 2008), intensifiers are used not only with gradable bases (as adjectives typically are), but also with non-gradable bases, including nouns and verbs. The nature of the modified base – gradable vs. non-gradable, but also bounded vs. unbounded – may influence the value of the intensifiers, which as a result do not represent a homogenous category. Italian and German confirm this state of affairs in their use of some evaluative prefixes, mainly of Greek and Latin origin, with different kinds of base and different semantic and pragmatic functions. The aim of this paper is to analyze the behaviour of the most representative of these prefixes using a corpus-based approach. We will try to illustrate how the values assumed by Italian and German prefixes cannot be accounted for only in terms of degree modification, as related to the quantity and/or quality dimensions of intensification, since these forms show an increase in their subjectivity and expressive strength, which leads them to lose their semantic specificity and to assume a more general intensifying (and emphasizing) function.