Thirteen autistic and 14 typically developing children (controls) imitated hand/arm gestures and performed mirror drawing; both tasks assessed ability to reorganize the relationship between spatial goals and the motor commands needed to acquire them. During imitation, children with autism were less accurate than controls in replicating hand shape, hand orientation, and number of constituent limb movements. During shape tracing, children with autism performed accurately with direct visual feedback, but when viewing their hand in a mirror, some children with autism generated fewer errors than controls whereas others performed much worse. Large mirror drawing errors correlated with hand orientation and hand shape errors in imitation, suggesting that visuospatial information processing deficits may contribute importantly to functional motor coordination deficits in autism.

In sign language research, we understand little about articulatory factors involved in shaping phonemic boundaries or the amount (and articulatory nature) of acceptable phonetic variation between handshapes. To date, there exists no comprehensive analysis of handshape based on the quantitative measurement of joint angles during sign production. The purpose of our work is to develop a methodology for collecting and visualizing quantitative handshape data in an attempt to better understand how handshapes are produced at a phonetic level. In this pursuit, we seek to quantify the flexion and abduction angles of the finger joints using a commercial data glove (CyberGlove; Immersion Inc.). We present calibration procedures used to convert raw glove signals into joint angles. We then implement those procedures and evaluate their ability to accurately predict joint angle. Finally, we provide examples of how our recording techniques might inform current research questions.

This paper discusses the role of iconicity in sign language phonology by utilizing recently developed tools available in the areas of phonological contrast and feature distribution. In particular, we explain the degree to which iconic elements of handshape interact with the feature system of sign language handshapes in different components of the lexicon, by making specific reference to handshape features that specify joint position. We then discuss similarities and differences between signed languages and spoken languages and the implications for a theory of features that might adequately capture phenomena in both communication modalities. Although cross-linguistic data have been collected and analyzed in this regard, we focus on data from American Sign Language in this work.

This paper reports a study that aimed to determine whether character geometric model (i.e. segmented vs. seamless) has an effect on how animated signing is perceived by viewers. Additionally, the study investigated whether the geometric model affects perception at varying degrees of linguistic complexity-specifically handshape complexity. We modeled and animated two polygonal 3D characters: Torrents, one seamless mesh, and Robby, a fully segmented avatar. Both characters had similar geometrical proportions, identical skeletal systems, similar visual styles and color schemes, and met standards of good character design. Each signed 60 stimulus signs, divided into three groups-those with simple (group I), moderately complex (group II), and complex (group III) handshapes according to factors established in the linguistic literature. 53 participants, who learned ASL by age 5, viewed animated clips in random order via web survey. They (1) identified the sign (if recognizable), and (2) rated its realism using a 5-point Likert scale. Findings show that the seamless avatar (Torrents) was rated highest, and simple handshapes were rated higher than moderately complex and complex ones. The interaction between character and handshape complexity was also significant. For Robby (more than for Torrents), ratings decreased as handshape complexity increased. The lower ratings for Robby could indicate a preference for seamless, deformable characters over segmented ones, especially in signs with complex handshapes.

This paper describes a notation system for the handshapes of sign languages that is theoretically motivated, grounded in empirical data, and economical in design. The system was constructed using the Prosodic Model of Sign Language Phonology. Handshapes from three lexical components — core, fingerspelling, and classifiers — were sampled from ten different sign languages resulting in a system that is relatively comprehensive and cross-linguistic. The system was designed to use only characters on a standard keyboard, which makes the system compatible with any database program. The notation is made relatively easy to learn and implement because the handshapes, along with their notations, are provided in convenient charts of photographs from which the notation can be copied. This makes the notation system quickly learnable by even inexperienced transcribers.

This paper describes a notation system for the handshapes of sign languages that is theoretically motivated, grounded in empirical data, and economical in design. The system was constructed using the Prosodic Model of Sign Language Phonology. Handshapes from three lexical components - core, fingerspelling, and classifiers - were sampled from ten different sign languages resulting in a system that is relatively comprehensive and cross-linguistic. The system was designed to use only characters on a standard keyboard, which makes the system compatible with any database program. The notation is made relatively easy to learn and implement because the handshapes, along with their notations, are provided in convenient charts of photographs from which the notation can be copied. This makes the notation system quickly learnable by even inexperienced transcribers.

Preview this article: Jean Ann, Frequency of occurrence and ease of articulation of sign language handshapes: The Taiwanese example, Page 1 of 1 < Previous page | Next page > /docserver/preview/fulltext/sll.11.1.13ecc-1.gif

In this paper we analyze the phonological and prosodic properties of two-handed classifiers in three sign languages—American Sign Language, Hong Kong Sign Language, and Swiss German Sign Language. Our analysis is two-fold—first we examine the restrictions these forms place on handshape choice, and then we look at their prosodic and morpho-syntactic structures by examining the interaction between the temporal relations of the two hands and other prosodic cues, such as eye blinks. From the point of view of well-formedness at the word level, our work shows that: (i) in the majority of cases, two-handed classifiers obey the Dominance Condition of Battison (1978) while all other forms limit their complexity in a similar way at the featural level; (ii) different classifier types exhibit systematic behavior with regard to their internal handshape complexity, in particular with regard to a difference between whole entity and handling classifiers, and (iii) in the majority of cases, two-handed classifiers have the same timing properties as prosodic words. With regard to larger prosodic units, we have found evidence of the prosodic–syntactic interface at work in classifier constructions in a number of systematic ways involving intonational phrases. Two-handed classifiers can be divided into four major groups with regard to their prosodic structure, one of which was found only in Hong Kong Sign Language, while the other three exhibit a general pattern that applied to all three of the sign languages in our study. Our general findings reveal that the phonological structures and principles that hold true in non-classifier forms are also obeyed by classifiers to a large extent.