The article is concerned with the most important element of the powers of Roman magistrates of the Republic-the right to auspices and its application in war. The author shares the opinion that the sources do not provide grounds for recognizing special 'military auspices' ( (auspicia militiae), qualitatively different from magistrates' auspices in the civil sphere ( (auspicia domi). Auspicia militiae should be understood only as a designation of the sphere of their application. However, the lack of special quality of 'military auspices' does not mean that they lacked quite noticeable specific features. Namely, the term auspicia militia is applicable to the auspices under certain conditions, while the military powers of their holder were in effect, and not during the entire term of office, unlike the auspicia domi. In addition, auspicia militiae depended on the correct ( (rite (rite) execution of the auspices that accompanied the commander's departure to war, which, being common in procedure, were unusual in consequences, determining the success of the entire military campaign. Therefore, there is a reason for the term 'auspices of departure' generated by modern historiography, since they are a link between urban and military auspices, between the spheres of domi and militiae. For they were carried out inside the pomerium, i.e. on 'Roman soil', but they were important for actions outside it, on foreign territory. Therefore it was the auspicia domi that were key in the system of magistrates' religious and political powers, which may indicate the priority of the civil sphere of the Roman community, at least in the religious and ideological field.
The paper considers the ancient tradition of the agrarian law of L. Cornelius Sulla. On the basis of a re-examination of the literary, epigraphic and archaeological sources for this law, the author makes an attempt to reconstruct some legal norms contained in a supposed lex Cornelia agraria. His opinion is that a considerable part of land resources used by Sulla for his agrarian program was gained by virtue of legal norms of the epigraphic lex agraria (111 BC). Besides, he puts forward a hypothesis that Sulla both established colonies and assigned indi-vidual land plots to his veterans (viritim).
The iconographic traditions of representing the crucifixion of Jesus Christ date back to the first third of the fifth century AD. One of them shows Christ with the thieves crucified with Him (Lk 23 : 39-43), the other-with a warrior who pierced His body with a spear (Jn 19 : 39). The oldest image of the Crucifixion with the thieves is carved on the doors of the Roman basilica of Santa Sabina (431-432). The oldest depiction of the Crucifixion with the warrior is on an ivory from the British Museum; it dates from the same time as the doors of Santa Sabina (ca. 420-430) and is also probably made in Rome. In each of these cases we see the beginning of an iconographic tradition that becomes widespread thereafter. At the same time, both images reveal something not quite common, different from the later tradition. In both cases this is evident in the composition of the right and left. On the doors of St. Sabina the Good Thief is shown to the left of Christ (on the right from the point of view of the spectator). Subsequent tradition, in accordance with the axiological principle, steadily places him at Christ's right (on the left for the spectator). In the Crucifixion of the British Museum, the warrior is on the left side of Christ (spectator's right). In later depictions of this scene, he is usually placed on Christ's right and the spear is pointed at His right side. From the sixth century onwards, in both cases, the opposition of right and left began to be interpreted not from the point of view of the spectator, but from that of the figure depicted in the image, i.e. in the perspective of Christ. As a result, in both cases the image takes on a new, symbolic meaning open to a theological interpretation. If the initial image can be regarded as an illustration of the Gospel text, then later it becomes an independent work filled with the theological content, i.e. it becomes an icon. Thus, the general direction of the iconographic evolution in both cases boils down to the formula: from illustration to icon. In considering the warrior scene, special attention is paid to the traditional presence of a man with a sponge. His figure indicates that the ancient masters did not illustrate the Gospel of John directly, but a special version of the Gospel of Matthew with an interpolation from the Gospel of John.
In the collection of the East Crimean Historical and Cultural Museum-Reserve there are three bronze finger rings with a profile image of a bust of Athena in a Corinthian helmet executed in the intaglio technique. The author analyzes the shapes of the rings, as well as the stamp on one of the hoops. The circumstances of the finds of the rings from the museum's collection are unknown, however, the possibility of their origin from the territory of the Bosporan Kingdom is very high. This is indirectly evidenced by three finds of finger rings of the same shape with similar images on bezels in the Cimmerian Bosporus (Pantikapaion, Gorgippia, necropolis near the settlement named after Voykov). Particular attention is paid to the iconography of the image of the bust of Athena on the finger rings under consideration. The concentration of finds of bronze finger rings with a profile image of a bust of Athena in a Corinthian helmet in the territory of the Bosporan Kingdom suggests their local origin. In this regard, items of jewellery depicting the head of Athena, found in the Bosporus, are also mentioned, as well as massive bronze finger rings with oval bezels with the image of Athena Pro-machos from the necropoleis of Gorgippia, Tiramba and Shirokaya Balka, and an impression of a similar finger ring on an amphora handle from a rural settlement in the Azov Sea region.
The Syriac hagiographic text called 'Julian Romance', compiled in the sixth century by an unknown Miaphysite compiler, contains an interesting episode that allows us to better understand the era of the compilation of the 'Romance' and the eschatological views of the Syrians of the first half of this century. Appearing before his death to Emperor Julian and his commander Jovian, martyr Mar Kur utters a prophecy about the coming 147 years of peace and the payment of tribute by the Roman Empire to the Persian state, which 'inversely corresponds' to the events of the sixth century. An analysis of the text suggests that the author composed the text of the prophecy at the end of the 'Anastasius' war', the last stage of which fell on the reign of Emperor Justin I. At this time, the emperor unleashed a strong persecution against the opponents of the Council of Chalcedon, which the author of the 'Romance' compared with the persecution of Julian the Apostate against Christians in the fourth century. The centre of Syrian resistance to the persecution of Justin was the city of Amid (present-day Diyarbakir), which had a large church in the name of the 40 Martyrs of Sebastia. The new emperor Justinian, who came to power, was able to inspire hopes for the conclusion of 'eternal peace' and the pacification of the internal political situation. The so-called 'eternal peace' between Rome and Persia is presented in the 'Romance' as the peace between Jovian and Shapur II after the death of Julian the Apostate, who is as if sacrificed for this peaceful era.
A hitherto unpublished legal document from Northern Africa regarding the tutorship case of Iulius Maianus contains a copy of an older document from AD 282, which mentions the governor of Numidia, Flavius Aelius Victorinus. Previously, the date of his governorship was uncertain. Now it is possible to fix it to AD 282. It is an important contribution to the fasti of Numidia in the second half of the third and the beginning of the fourth centuries AD.
One of the key problems in the history of the Bosporan Kingdom of the first and the first half of the second centuries AD is to determine the time and cause of the sudden destruction of the fortified points of the Asian and, partly, European Bosporus. For this purpose, we analyse ceramic complexes of the settlement Batareika I, formed as a result of the fortress destruction. The tower complex contained amphorae including Pontic (Zeest 83-85, orange-clay with beak-shaped corolla, red-clay with bent corolla, brown-clay with elongated throat and flattened profiled handles on shoulders, C IVC1) and Aegean types (Hayes 43, Proto Kapitan II, Agora J 46, Agora M 125, MR 18). The Room II context contained synchronous circular table-and kitchen-ware. The analyses of the materials from the fire layer allow us to date this event within AD 140-153. The destruction probably resulted from a Sarmatian raid, which began with the capture of Tanais, continued on the Phantalovski peninsula (Taman) and ended at Panticapaeum.
The article is devoted to a religious building in the multi-layered architectural complex 'Basilica 1935', located on the northern shore of the city of Chersonesus. Many researchers interpret this monument as a Jewish synagogue. The article refutes the hypothesis that this building was forcibly transferred to the Christian community and repurposed into a church. The analysis of report materials from archaeological excavations of 1935-1950s allows us to assert that this structure, built in the second half or at the end of the fourth century AD, functioned without any major reconstructions until its complete destruction no earlier than the third quarter of the fifth century AD. At present, there are no indisputable indications of its belonging to the Jewish community. The version about the Christian origin of this structure does not have serious contradictions and seems more plausible taking into account the architectural and decorative features and the context of the history of the Christianisation of Chersonesus.
The article contains a new interpretation of the Sophoclean tragedy based on the analysis of its literary sources, on the one hand, and the political context of its production, on the other. Along with emphasizing parallels with Iliad and the earlier Philoctetes of Euripides, the author reveals hidden allusions to current political events, mainly to the unsuccessful peace negotiations between Athens and Sparta that took place in 410 BC (a year before the performance of the play). The combined literary and historical approach casts new light on various aspects of the play, most of all on its problematic, if not forced and far-fetched, ending when its main characters unexpectedly change their apparently firm decision to reject war and return home.
The article deals with the problem of the identification of the addressee of the anonymous poem Carmen ad quendam senatorem-a senator and former consul who had converted from Christianity to paganism. A detailed analysis of the opinions on this issue is presented and arguments are given in favour of the view that the most probable candidate for this role was the consul of 382 Flavius Syagrius.
This article deals with four prestigious objects - stone hammer-axes from the so-called Trojan 'Treasure L'. The hypothesis that the surface of these objects was gilded, first suggested in The Gold of Troy exhibition catalogue (1996), is proved here through the methods of natural science. Based on these results, we propose reconstructions of the possible original appearance of the hammer-axes. In addition, we present some further observations on their archaeological context. All of this is intended to reveal possible connections between the hammer-axes and other objects from the 'Treasure L', and provide a clue of the place of the former in the material culture of Maritime Troy (Troy I-III).
The article considers a plot in Diodorus' Book One, which tells about an unfair king named Amasis who reigned in Egypt nearly at the start of the historical New Kingdom and about an 'Ethiopian' (Nubian) ruler Aktisanes who defeated Amasis and replaced him as a beneficent king of Egypt. Probably, this Amasis corresponds to the historical Ahmose I, who ousted the Hyksos from Egypt; as for Aktisanes, his figure seems to be created with the help of Herodotus' and Diodorus' passages about another Nubian conqueror of Egypt, Sabacon (the historical Shabaka; Hdt. II. 137, 139; Diod. I. 65). The name-form Aktisanes was probably borrowed from the Nubian king Gatisen, who ruled at the time when Hecataeus of Abdera was writing his treatise on Egypt, which was later used by Diodorus' for his Book One. The reason for this plot to replace the real reminiscences of Hyksos domination and expulsion was probably the evidence about Nubian attacks during the late Second Intermediate Period and negative attitude to Ahmose I in the Memphite tradition, triggered by his transfer of the capital of Egypt to Thebes. The latter motif was strong enough to manifest itself in the medieval Arab tradition.
A comparative analysis of the remains of sacrificial animals found in the North Pontic region makes it possible to identify different local patterns in the cultic sphere, which can be preliminarily identified as representing 'nomadic' and 'agricultural' ideologies. In some cases, we observe the emergence of the 'nomadic' pattern on the new territories (e.g., the Right Bank of the Kuban in the third century BC, and the Lower Dnieper in the first century AD). In other cases, the 'nomadic' pattern disappeared (the Right Bank of the Kuban in the first century AD) or has been replaced by the 'agricultural' one (e.g. Crimea in the third century BC, the Don Delta in the first century AD). These changes could occur both under the influence of climatic factors and as a result of political events, for example, due to the new political actors, involvement of local elites in new alliances and new economic activities.
The second part of the article dealing with the trial of the generals who won the Arginusae sea battle in 406 BC opens with a study of the legal aspects of the trial, which, in the author's opinion, belonged to the epsilon i sigma alpha gamma gamma epsilon lambda i alpha a sigma epsilon beta epsilon i alpha c type. Then follows the analysis of the prosopographical data on persons connected with the trial and its results. Special attention is paid to the figures of Theramenes and Thrasybulus, who, on the one hand, were Alcibiades' supporters, and, on the other hand, had personal reasons for the attack on their commanders. As a result, the conclusion is made that it is impossible to understand many aspects of the trial's course without due regard to the role played in Athens at that time by Alcibiades (even if absent), whose return to military leadership was desired by many citizens.
The author studies the information about material support for Egyptians entering into marriage, contained in 1) the documents on P. University College 32058; 2) the stela of Hetepi from El-Kab, the translation and understanding of the last three lines of which are significantly clarified here; 3) the tomb autobiography of the nomarch Ankhtifi; 4) the inscription on the architrave of Hornakht from Dendera. In tomb autobiographies material support for those entering into marriage is not a separate independent topic and is mentioned there only to prove Hetepi's extraordinary active longevity and Ankhtifi and Hornakht's great generosity and paternal care for their subjects. Hornacht's 'girls' and 'boys' (Xrdwt, Xrdw) were personally dependent on him, and his inscription is the oldest of the very few reports of masters arranging marriages for their serfs. The valuable assets allocated to the 'newlyweds' apparently often remained the property of their parents or masters.
This article introduces an honorary inscription in Greek dedicated to Gaius Decimius Classicus, the prophetes of Apollo Smintheus, by the populus Coloniae Augustae Troadensis. The two-line epigram engraved on the front of a large statue base indicates that this is the eleventh honour bestowed on Gaius Decimius Classicus. The inscription on the right side of the base provides further details of the honour. The inscription reveals that Gaius Decimius Classicus served as a prophetes of Apollo Smintheus and was also a benefactor who excelled in many fields for the benefit of his fatherland, Alexandreia Troas/Colonia Augusta Troadensis. This inscribed statue base belongs to the honouring process that was held at the sanctuary, as one of the two stages of bestowing the eleventh honour. The other stage was carried out in the city of Alexandreia Troas and involved a series of honours given by each phyle/tribus. This inscription is significant in that it suggests the replacement of the vicus system, which is known from inscriptions to have existed in the colony, by the tribus system sometime in the first four decades of the second century AD, likely during the reign of Hadrian.
The article offers a new interpretation of the antistrophe of the second parabasis in Aristophanes' Acharnians. The antistrophe refers to the chorus' desired union with Diallage (Peace) and their dreams of planting a garden. According to the common view, the chorus emphasizes the ability to plant grapes, figs and olives and thus convinces the Diallage of its masculine power. By understanding the meaning of the chorus' words about the garden in this way, commentators see here a sexual subtext. The paper argues that such an interpretation is absurd and that basis for it is provided only by the verse 997. Since verse 997 itself contains several problems and since it is omitted in the earliest source of the text, Aelianus' paraphrase, it is suggested that it should be athetised. Now, the antistrophe sounds different: the chorus speaks here of the opportunity to grow a garden, which they will have when peace comes. The reason for the insertion of v. 997 may have been a desire of an ancient editor to have an equal number of verses in the strophe and antistrophe, although a strict correspondence of verse numbers was not necessary in comedy.
The paper deals with two passages from the Satisfactio by the fifth-century poet Dracontius, where the poet uses images of various animals, in particular that of a lion, as metaphors. The interpretation of the whole poem and its political subtext depends on how one understands the meaning of these comparisons: the predator serves as a model of mercy for the Vandal king Gunthamund, the poem's main addressee. The origins of Dracontius' metaphor are found in Ovid, whose Tristia can be considered the genre prototype for Satisfactio. However, it can be suggested that Dracontius was much more influenced ideologically and substantively by Ovid's other work, the Metamorphoses, with its Pythagorean rhetoric, including criticism of any 'carnivorous' behavior.
