This study examined whether adolescents' perceptions of peer secularism, social comparison orientation, and the centrality of religion predict deconversion over time. Data were collected from Polish adolescents (N = 268) across three waves over 12 months. Participants were between 13 and 16 years of age (M = 14.51, SD = 0.79). Perceived peer secularism, social comparison orientation, and the centrality of religion were assessed at baseline (T1), whereas deconversion was measured at T1, six months later (T2), and twelve months later (T3). Perceived peer secularism was positively associated with deconversion concurrently and prospectively at T2, but not at T3. Moderation analyses indicated a significant interaction effect only for deconversion at T2: the association between perceived peer secularism and deconversion was strongest among adolescents high in both social comparison orientation and the centrality of religion. The findings suggest that adolescents who are highly religious and strongly oriented toward social comparison may be particularly sensitive to secular peer environments. Overall, the results underscore the importance of considering the interplay between individual dispositions and social context in understanding deconversion processes during adolescence in increasingly secular societies.
Sacred experiences are profound moments marked by heightened meaning and a sense of connection to the sacred - whether understood in religious, spiritual, or secular terms. Although well-documented among religious individuals, less empirical attention has been given to understanding how sacred experiences arise among the non-religious. The present research investigated sacred experiences among religious, spiritual-but-not-religious (SBNR), and neither-religious-nor-spiritual (NRNS) individuals. Across two studies (one pre-registered), we found consistent evidence that religious individuals reported the highest presence and frequency of sacred experiences, followed by SBNRs and then NRNSs, with medium-to-large effect sizes (eta 2 = .10-.12). While less conclusive, we also found evidence that SBNRs experienced self-transcendent positive emotions - often linked to sacred experiences - to a greater extent than NRNSs, but still lesser than religious individuals (eta 2 = .04). Finally, using regression models, we showed tentative evidence that sacred experiences and self-transcendent positive emotions positively predicted well-being in all three groups, but did not significantly predict burnout. Collectively, these findings suggest that SBNRs can access sacred experiences in secular contexts and that such experiences are positively associated with mental health.
While there is now a well-established body of research showing that people in several countries hold negative views of atheists, there is less research on attitudes toward agnostics. Prior research on agnostics suggests they differ from atheists and religious individuals in important ways, but many prior studies compare atheists and agnostics to Christians rather than to theists, which is a category error as it compares views toward a deity with religious affiliation. Using a convenience sample from the US (N = 672), participants watched three video clips of young adult female college students, and then evaluated the individuals in the clips using semantic differentials. Participants were shown videos of students from each of three conditions: students who described their beliefs such that they would be considered an atheist, an agnostic, and a theist. Participants evaluated each individual in the videos on five dimensions that were combined into scale measures: foolish-wise, cold-warm, immoral-moral, unpleasant-pleasant, untrustworthy-trustworthy. There were no statistically significant differences in overall evaluations, but there was some evidence of ingroup favoritism among atheist, agnostic, and theist participants.
This registered report (N = 2,466; >90% power to detect d >= 0.13) tested whether imagining oneself in large and religious places, such as cathedrals, promotes abstract thinking. Participants imagined themselves in one of the four experimental scenarios varying in size (large vs. small) and type (religious vs. secular), wrote about their imagined experience there, and completed validated measures assessing abstraction (neutral vs. religious content) and personal religiosity. Consistent with preregistered hypotheses, abstraction was higher in religious than secular places, for religious than neutral content, and among more religious participants; the latter two factors also interacted. In contrast, place size showed no effect. Equivalence tests indicated that only effects involving personal religiosity approached practical significance (d = .40). Overall, religiosity-related factors predicted abstraction whereas spatial magnitude did not. Because spatial magnitude was a proxy for the spatial dimension of psychological distance, the findings did not support Construal Level Theory.
For older people struggling with difficulties arising from the normative aging process, religious meaning system may serve as a resource supporting development toward gerotranscendence and adaptation to old age. As gerotranscendent maturity increases, the sense of self-dignity may also increase, allowing individuals to age with dignity. Previous literature suggests that the association between religious meaning system and sense of self-dignity may be explained, in part, by humor. However, this assumption has not yet been empirically tested. The present study examined the relationship between religious meaning system and sense of self-dignity, as well as the potential mediating role of humor styles among Polish older adults. A three-wave prospective study with three measurement points was conducted on a sample of 349 individuals aged 60 to 74. Mediation analyses using bias-corrected bootstrapping indicated that the association between religious meaning system and sense of self-dignity was partially mediated by affiliative and self-defeating humor. No significant indirect effects were found for self-enhancing or aggressive humor. The findings suggest that religious meaning system may be associated with greater use of affiliative humor and lower use of self-defeating humor, which in turn may be related to higher sense of self-dignity in late adulthood. However, given the measurement design, the results should be interpreted as prospective associations rather than evidence of causal mediation.
Adolescence is a period with increased religious and spiritual (R/S) exploration, which includes changes in levels of struggle and psychological well-being. Using two waves of longitudinal data from adolescents in the Western United States (Time 1: N = 1,689, M age = 16.2; Time 2: N = 1,232, M age = 18.1), we examined heterogeneity and transitions in profiles of R/S struggles (interpersonal, doubt, divine) and psychological well-being (purpose, anxiety, shame). Latent transition analysis identified four profiles in mid-adolescence - Low-Struggle, Undeterred, Emerging Explorers, and Crisis - and three profiles in late adolescence - Low-Struggle, Undeterred, and Crisis. Transitions most often moved toward the Undeterred profile, characterized by moderate struggle and high purpose, whereas Crisis membership was highly stable. Greater parental warmth predicted movement toward more adaptive profiles, whereas hostile and benign religious disagreements predicted remaining in Crisis. Findings demonstrate heterogeneity in adolescents' religious experiences parental influences on transitions between profiles.
Agnosticism and atheism are often grouped simply as nonreligious identities, yet emerging research highlights their distinct psychological profiles and social implications. Among these distinctions, collective narcissism - char-acterized by strong attachment to one's group, exceptionalism, and grie-vance for recognition - offers a framework for understanding identity processes in both nonreligious groups. We examined whether agnostics and atheists exhibit collective narcissism and its forms (agentic - focused on exceptional effectiveness; communal - focused on exceptional morality) similarly to believers. We explored cross-denominational variance in agentic and communal collective narcissism levels relying on data from 77 countries (N = 3,570; 1227 agnostics, 2343 atheists). Agnostics and atheists from secular countries reported lower collective (particularly agentic) narcissism relative to their counterparts from religious countries. Further, agnostics and atheists were higher on communal than agentic collective narcissism. The results highlight the utility of the agency-communion model of collective narcissism among nonbelievers.
With a demographically diverse sample of nonbelievers from the U.S. we explored differences in identity-related variables, social stressors and supports, and mental health variables between self-proclaimed agnostics (n = 185) and atheists (n = 438). Our recruitment efforts intentionally promoted inclusion of nonbelievers who were also People of Color (PoC) and/or lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or queer/questioning (LGBTQ+). A multivariate analysis of covariance was conducted with agnostic and atheist participants to assess differences across the variables of interests. As expected, agnostic participants reported significantly lower salience of nonbelief (d = 0.49) and greater importance of spirituality (d = 0.53), religious service attendance (d = 0.20), prayer frequency (d = 0.39), New Age beliefs (d = 0.30), and illusory beliefs (d = 0.49) than atheist participants. Agnostic participants were also 64% less likely to be involved in secular communities. The groups did not differ significantly on discrimination, stigma consciousness, identity concealment, or identity disclosure, but agnostic participants reported greater internalized stigma (d = 0.24) and perceptions of Christian privilege (d = 0.16). Contrary to prior research, the groups also did not differ on mental health outcomes (i.e. intolerance of uncertainty, loneliness, depression, or life satisfaction). In addition, there were no associations between PoC status, LGBTQ+ status, and their interaction with identification as agnostic vs. atheist. These findings highlight the importance of attending to demographic factors such as race/ethnicity and sexual identity in research with secular populations, as outcomes commonly captured with more homogenous samples may vary with a more diverse sample.
The identity term "agnostic" is typically used to signify a specific set of epistemological and ontological beliefs. Agnostics are thought to have an uncertain personal epistemic stance regarding God (i.e. "I do not know") and to endorse the ontological stance that god/s is/are generally unknowable. However, compared to atheism and religiosity, agnosticism and associated beliefs are more heterogeneous and loosely aligned. This study consisted of participants drawn from several samples (total n = 1018) responding to items pertaining to their non/religious identities as well as epistemological and ontological views. The results indicated that agnostics frequently also endorse other self-identifications, and they share beliefs that substantially overlap with those of atheists. Whereas 22% of the total sample included agnostic among other self-identifications, only 11% endorsed agnostic as their sole self-identity, a relatively low "retention" rate compared to atheist or religious self-identifications. Moreover, endorsement of ontological belief ostensibly corresponding to agnosticism (i.e. "gods/s is/are unknowable") did not unambiguously align with agnostic identification or differentiate it from atheism. Agnostic self-identification thus reflects a relatively heterogeneous mixture of epistemic and ontological beliefs and is affected by factors other than beliefs about God/s, such as stylistic and expressive preferences.
Research has found secure attachments foster positive self-concepts, whereas insecure attachments can lead to feelings of unworthiness. Specifically, viewing God as a secure base and safe haven may influence from where people derive their self-worth, and from where people ground their self-worth may shape how they perceive God. The present research examines trajectories of attachment to God (ATG) and domains of contingent self-worth across time, investigating how trajectories are associated. With a sample of 2791 young adults in the United States across four assessment timepoints, we utilized bivariate latent growth curve modeling to test associations between the trajectories of attachment to God styles and one internal (i.e. virtue) and one external (i.e. approval) domain of contingent self-worth. Hypotheses were predominantly supported in that increases in starting levels and rate of change in secure ATG were positively related to the starting values and rates of change in virtue contingent self-worth. In contrast, avoidant ATG starting values were negatively associated with virtue contingent self-worth starting values, and anxious ATG was not related. For approval contingent self-worth, starting levels in secure ATG were negatively associated, whereas both anxious and avoidant ATG starting values were positively related to the approval contingent self-worth starting values. These results suggest that secure ATG and virtue contingent self-worth may reflect an internal, co-developmental process, whereas correlated starting values but unrelated slopes between ATG and self-worth based on others' approval reflect individual differences between persons rather than shared within-person processes.
How do agnostics and atheists differ in their spiritual struggles and their images, emotions, and motivations involving God? We conducted an internet survey comparing 253 agnostics with 267 atheists. Agnostics reported more spiritual struggles than atheists, including divine struggles; yet their God-focused thoughts and emotions were more positive than those of atheists. Compared with atheists, agnostics reported much stronger desires to believe in God and more positive God concepts. When reflecting on their reasons for nonbelief, agnostics cited more divine struggles, but atheists cited more negative emotion around God's possible existence. If presented with strong evidence of God's existence, agnostics expected more positive emotion, less anger, and less loss of freedom than atheists. When imagining a divine encounter, agnostics (vs. atheists) reported stronger desires to approach God and weaker desires to turn away. Taken together, these findings highlight key differences in God-related images, emotions, and motivations between agnostics and atheists.
Little research examining anti-atheist prejudice reduction interventions has been replicated. The current manuscript aimed to replicate and extend previous anti-atheist prejudice research We proposed three conceptual replications of Will Gervais' "Finding the faithless" (Study 3). Participants in all three studies were presented with information suggesting that atheists are either common (33% of the population) or rare (3% of the population). Study 1 replicated "Finding the faithless" Study 3 in an undergraduate sample. In Study 2, a sample of Americans on Prolific read that either 33% (common) or 3% (rare) of Americans are atheist. Study 3 had a sample of Americans on Prolific view a graphic showing that Americans overestimated (vs. underestimated) the prevalence of atheists. Across all studies, perceived prevalence did not reduce anti-atheist prejudice. Perceived contact with atheists was associated with more positive feelings toward atheists, replicating past research. We discuss this lack of replication and suggest future avenues for research.
Supernatural beliefs are a cultural universal, but each society has a specific repertoire of such beliefs. Indeed, membership of a group and sharing its beliefs are intertwined. The distinction between helpful white magic typically practiced by in-group members and harmful black magic practiced by out-group members is one aspect of this. These considerations make the cross-cultural study of supernatural belief particularly difficult; hindering assessment of anything like a general level of espousal of supernatural beliefs.We examined how the estimated efficacy of rituals is affected by two factors: 1) whether the ritual performer is an in-group member and 2) whether the ritual is intended to have a helpful or harmful effect. Our subjects were presented with descriptions of three helpful and three harmful rituals and asked to judge their efficacy. The scenarios presented to different subjects were modified only in terms of whether the ritual performer was presented as a member of the same religious group as the subject.The responses were analysed in terms of their relationship to religious identification, self-reported measures of religiosity, and early exposure to religious models. Our hypothesis was that rituals aimed to help and performed by an in-group member would be rated as more effective in comparison with those performed by an out-group member, while we expected opposite results for rituals that aim to harm somebody.The results confirmed our main hypothesis and supported the role of some measures of religiosity and exposure to religious models in the rated efficacy of positive rituals.
Personality traits have been associated with religiosity, but whether religious personality differences are similar across different religious traditions and denominations remains unknown. We examined personality differences between religious preferences within the United States by pooling data from 17 studies (n = 115,497). Sufficient information was available to compare Protestants, Catholics, Orthodox Christians, Other Christians, Mormons, Jehovah’s witnesses, Nones, Atheists, Agnostics, Jews, Muslims, and Buddhists. Compared to Protestants, all the groups of religious disbelief (Atheists, Agnostics, Nones) had lower agreeableness, lower conscientiousness, and higher openness to experience. Almost all the religious minorities had lower emotional stability. Buddhists and Jews had higher openness to experience. Evangelical Protestants had slightly higher agreeableness, emotional stability, and extraversion than Mainland Protestants. The differences between non-religious and religious groups were much larger than the differences between specific religious groups. The results suggest that people’s religious preferences have some overlap with core personality traits, with most of the associations ranging between d = 0.10 to d = 0.20 in magnitude. Additional studies are needed to better characterize the mechanisms that underlie these differences.
