The Negro educational review

To enrich cultural and social experiences in higher education, scholars consistently articulate the importance of promoting college students' learning in a racially diverse environment (Packard, 2013). However, in reality, most higher education institutions are considered Predominantly White Institutions (PWIs) where White students represent the mainstream culture (Allard & Santoro, 2006), whereas HBCUs consist of only 3% of higher education institutions (Upton & Tanenbaum, 2014). Consequently, HBCUs are often viewed as minority institutions in higher education and opponents against their continued existence them as vestiges of segregation and acknowledge their existence as a sign of institutionalized inferiority (Exkano, 2013, p. 68). HBCUs are likely to be criticized as a segregated learning environment in the literature (Exkano, 2013; Gasman, 2009); thereby, making it is easy to ignore the hidden diversity among faculty members in such institutions. For instance, Gasman (2009) noted that approximately 40% of faculty members in HBCUs are non-Black American and non-Caribbean. Such a diverse teacher-student interaction in HBCUs has been taken for granted especially when we consider only approximately 13% of African American faculty are teaching at PWIs (Renzulli, Grant, & Kathuria, 2006).With respect to the issues of diversity in PWIs, researchers (e.g., Hendrix, 2002; Herbert, 2012; White, 2012; Williams, 2001) have described their challenges of being professionals of color in academia; in particular, Black American female faculty are the most vulnerable and invisible participants (Moses, 1997) in most male-oriented PWIs. When interplays with in academia, Black American female faculty find themselves in the double bind of not being clearly able to separate from gender or bonding along lines supersede[ing] race (Green, 1997, p. 155). Like females in general, professors of color teaching in PWIs are more likely to experience a chilly climate (Turner & Myers, 2000, p. 88); meaning that the majority of White students pay more attention to minority teachers' race/ethnicity than their credibility (Turner & Myers, 2000). Consequently, with weak authority and credibility, majority students are inclined to challenge minority professors' teaching in PWIs (McGowan, 2000; Stanley, Porter, Simpson, & Ouellett, 2003).Although the existing research pointed out several unsolved racial issues in PWIs, it is rare to recognize the need for investigating a faculty member's teaching experience at HBCUs. In HBCUs, White professors are no longer the majority in their teaching environment. White faculty are commonly asked by Black American students why they teach in HBCUs (Gubrium & Mazhani, 2009); especially, when Black American students view Whites as the outsiders in their classroom teaching. In contrast, their Black American colleagues might have connected to same-race students more easily in HBCUs than PWIs (White, 2012). To survive as in this environment, we wondered whether White faculty attempted to disguise or present themselves as non-White to other cultures (Morris, 2015).If a homogeneous student population (Black vs. White American) in class can affect professors' classroom management, then it is critical to understand whether Black and White American faculty members have employed different classroom management strategies when they interact with students in HBCUs versus PWIs. Thus, this exploratory qualitative study compares the majority (Black American) with minority (White American) professors' perceptions of their classroom management strategies when they teach in a HBCU vs. PWI. In turn, the learned information might help to facilitate interracial teacher-student communication and lessen unexpected challenges. We will first articulate the major findings from the literature review, post research questions along with the rationale, describe the employed qualitative method and, finally, interpret our findings. …

As the year of 2016 draws to a close, we find that the United States is widely divided when it comes to minority issues and to the education of Black Americans, Latinos, and Hispanics. With the election of Donald Trump to the Presidency of the United States, people are protesting the election of Mr. Trump to the highest office the country. Scores of presidents of public and private colleges across the nation are calling on President-elect Donald Trump to seek common ground and partnership, not hostility and conflict. Civility appears to be at an all-time low. Many Black Americans, Latinos, and Hispanics openly supported former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and not Mr. Trump. But with the Trump victory many are uncertain as to what this means for minorities America. In particular, Black Americans are asking the question in which direction is the country headed and what does the election mean to Black Americans? Where do we go from here is a phrase that is being uttered by many ethnic groups.In this issue of the Negro Educational Review, we will not address any of the burning issues directly, however, we will continue to bring to the public research that deals specifically with issues of Black Americans. In so doing, it is our hope that our research efforts will help our leaders and each of us to better understand the issues that Black Americans face. Our current issue is another attempt to increase the research on Black Americans. It is divided into four areas. The areas are Black American Males, Black American Females, Black American Children, and Higher Education.Black American MalesBlack American Adolescent MalesIn the first article by Dr. Kenneth Tyler and his colleagues, they ask the question of whether the country is failing Black American male adolescents. They posit that the exposure to environments where interactions at school with teachers, along with their community based exposure to violence and to some law enforcement officers could be detrimental to Black American males. Tyler and his colleagues point out that the literature has illustrated a careless regard and insensitivity to the lives of young Black Americans. They point out that with so much disparaging data along with such pervasive stereotypes discussed the literature that it is interesting to note that many Black American students still do well school. In their study, Tyler and his colleagues studied 138 Black American male high school students an attempt to determine whether these students internalized racist stereotypes about Black Americans and whether such reports were associated with academic self-handicapping.High Achieving Black MalesIn a related article, Goins investigates the experiences of two high achieving Black Male HBCU graduates. Goins, points out that recent years that much attention has been focused on Black Men's engagement criminal activities and disengagement education rather than their intellectual contributions. He states that when Black males are given positive attention the media, it often revolves around their prowess athletics and entertainment. Goins points out that there are limited studies exploring the experiences of high achieving Black males. In his study he examines the academic and social experiences of two high achieving Black male HBCU graduates to understand the challenges they overcame and supports that aided their academic success.Black American FemalesUnderstanding Variables that Predict SuccessDrs. Errick Farmer, Adriel A. Hilton, and Franz H. Reneau focus on the Black American female. They attempt to broaden our understanding of the variables that predict college success for Black American females at an HBCU the south. Additionally, they attempt to determine which pre-college level variables work best together to predict graduation for Black American females. Farmer and his colleagues discuss how the continued presence of racism, sexism, and classism contribute to Black American females experiencing social isolation, cultural incongruity and an unwelcoming academic environment. …

Research into the play behavior of children in general has been extensive (for reviews see Fein, 1981; Roskos, Christie, Widman, & Holding, 2010). Developmental theorists including Piaget, Vygotsky, and Erikson describe play as among the most critical contexts for children's social, emotional and cognitive development (Fantuzzo, Coolahan, Mendez, McDermott, & Sutton-Smith, 1998). Studying the play of children offers an opportunity to assess multiple aspects of their functioning. According to Borowitz, Hirsch, & Costello (1970), play is the natural of children and the symbolic expression of their personalities. From an educational perspective, a child's play is believed to reflect the degree to which they can impose their own sense of structure and sequence on the external environment. It also reflects not only the degree to which their perceptual and cognitive structures have been developed but also the extent to which they have been integrated and can be applied to new situations.Not surprisingly, research of the play behavior of children in general has been extensive (for reviews see Fein, 1981; Fisher 1992; Roskos et al., 2010). In 1992, Fisher completed a meta-analysis of studies of play and concluded that play competencies account for moderately large effect sizes in predicting early language and socio-emotional developmental outcomes. It is important to note; however, that developmental processes are known to differ according to culture and context (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998 and other scholars caution against generating data from non-diverse samples of children to Black American children in regard to social-emotional research overall and play research in particular (Fantuzzo et al., 1998; Coll et. al., 1996). In this article, we argue for the need to adopt a multifaceted perspective grounded in the sociocultural contexts in which Black American children's development and socialization occur when examining and understanding play. We introduce a perspective that we label a prism that serves this purpose and describe its various facets. Using this cultural prism, we review the extant literature on play among Black American children, describe the methodological strengths and challenges of these studies, and discuss future directions for constructing a paradigm for research and practice.Studies of Play and Black childrenAs noted, while research on the impact of play competencies on children's outcomes, particularly in promoting resilience, has been quite extensive, there is limited empirical investigation of play among Black children.2 This is a critical problem for multiple reasons. As described, the developmental socialization processes that occur in the context of play are significant. However, meaningful implications for instruction are lacking if not informed by relevant cultural processes. In addition, research demonstrates that play competence promotes resilience among children at risk for negative outcomes in multiple domains of development. (Fantuzzo & McWayne, 2002; Mendez, Fantuzzo, & Cicchetti, 2002) Indeed, play is a source of resilience to which all children have access regardless of race, gender, or socioeconomic status.Though research is limited, several key studies have demonstrated the role of play in promoting resilience among Black children. These studies are most likely to focus on lowincome, Black preschool children and describe promotion of learning readiness skills. (For a review, see Bulotsky-Shearer et al., 2011). Fantuzzo and colleagues (e.g., 1998, 2004) have published a series of papers on play behaviors among urban, Head Start children, and have included Black children in their samples. Of note, their work has validated rating instruments to assess play within Black American-majority samples of children and has demonstrated the salience of early play competencies in promoting classroom competencies (Fantuzzo, et. al., 1998; Fantuzzo, J. …

Black American male adolescents continue to be placed at-risk within the United States. Such risk has educational researchers along with those in the social and political sciences positing the belief that this is actually failing Black American male adolescents, particularly by exposing them to environments where interactions at school with teachers, along with their community-based exposure to violence, and some law enforcement officers can prove to be detrimental (Brunson, 2007; Patton, Woolley, & Hung, 2012). For example, using a national data set, Fantuzzo, LeBouef, Rouse, and Chen (2012) noted that 13% of Black American male adolescents reported living in a homeless shelter versus nearly three percent of their White male counterparts. Patton et al. (2012) cited that 30% of young, school-aged Black American boys are exposed to violent events, particularly violent crimes. Brunson (2007) found that many Black American school-aged boys (ages 13-19) have had aggressive and hostile encounters with police, despite not having committed a crime. Indeed, such exposure to community-based violence, especially at the hands of law enforcement officers, has been a significant factor in the lives of Black American male adolescents.In addition to dealing with these community-based factors, Black American male adolescents are also in a persistent battle for their own social identities or how they are perceived by social others (Tyler, 2014). Oftentimes, members of this population are labeled as violent, undesirable, unintelligent, and overall, 'troublemakers' and 'problems' (James, 2012; Howard, 2013). Such racist and egregious stereotypes and images of this population have been the catalyst of or at least salient in several shooting deaths of Black American male adolescents in particular, and perhaps the result of their disproportionate involvement in the criminal justice system in general (James, 2012; Love, 2014; Rios, 2006). Moreover, some reports in the lay and scientific literature have illustrated a careless regard and insensitivity to the lives of young Black American boys. For example, Winbush (2013) recalled the infamous remarks of a presidential appointee who, in 2005, claimed indirectly that the crime rate is linked to the number of Black Americans in this country, and thus, if crime needed to be reduced, . you could abort every Black baby in this country (p. 465). Additionally, Love (2014) reported on a teacher in Georgia who, in teaching about slavery, asked a Black American male student to pretend to be a slave, specifically by standing on an auction block and opening his mouth for inspection. Within the empirical research literature, Goff, Jackson, Di Leone, Culotta, & DiTomasso (2014) found Black American boys are seen as older in their chronological age than they actually are and are viewed as more culpable for their actions than males from other racial groups. Their findings demonstrate that Black American male adolescents are not supplied with the presumption of innocence typically afforded to their white male and female counterparts (Goff et al., 2014). Such a social perception of these young boys-juxtaposed to those negative, racist images of them which have persisted throughout history-leaves this population at its most vulnerable, particularly to those misinformed of their realities and/or among those who do not have their best interests at heart (Franklin, 1999; James, 2012; Tyler, 2014).Perhaps such vulnerability among Black American male adolescents is most salient within the public school. The educational experiences of Black American male adolescents are continually discussed and problematized in the social sciences, educational, and political literature (e.g., Ford & Moore, 2013; Howard, 2013; Tyler, 2014). Palmer, Wood, Dancy, & Strayhorn (2014) remarked on the increase in the number of publication venues and books exclusively dedicated to the life experiences of young Black American men, most notably, their educational experiences. …

IntroductionBinge and other heavy drinking patterns have plagued institutions of higher learning for many years (Bulmer, Irfan, Mugno, Barton, & Ackerman, 2010; O'Malley& Johnson, 2002). Factors such as residence in a fraternity or sorority house, age, chronic partying, prior binging in high school, and other current risky behaviors significantly predict patterns of college alcohol use at majority institutions (Wechsler, Lee, Nelson, & Kuo, 2002; Wechsler, Dowdall, Davenport, & Castillo, 1995). Recently, researchers have begun to explore factors that reduce the likelihood and risk of binging. These studies have included individual level and systems level factors.In a study of binge drinking rates from 2 major national surveys, the state in which a student attends college was found to predict binge drinking by college students. The researchers concluded that state level policies related to alcohol control may exert significant influence on college binge drinking behaviors (Nelson, Naimi, Brewer, & Wechsler, 2005; Mitchell, Toomey, & Erickson, 2005). Tightening relaxed or less restrictive state and local alcohol policies have been found to reduce college drinking, and many have reviewed these data to conclude that high alcohol consumption rates by college students may be associated with the lack of environmental reinforcers for controlled drinking (Williams, Liccardo, Chaloupka, & Wechsler, 2004; Weitzman, Nelson, Lee, & Wechsler, 2004; Lewis, 2001). Even more recently, and in a review of data collected across years 1993 to 2001 from 4 -year colleges in the United States and representing more than 50,000 students, a campus culture, as a function of its policies, permissive of alcohol consumption was found to produce students who were more likely to binge and consume greater quantities of alcohol (Wechsler & Nelson, 2008). With this wealth of data, very little is known about the influence of campus policies and students' knowledge of those policies on alcohol consumption patterns on campuses of Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs).Although historical surveys of substance use among college students have provided important information, they generally and collectively suffer an important limitation. Such surveys most often consist of predominantly of White American students (O'Hare, 1990; Wechsler, Davenport, Dowdall, Moeykens, & Castillo 1994; Wechsler & Issac, 1992) with relatively little representation of Black American and other minority students. However, there is much evidence that, among young adults, patterns of substance and alcohol use differ by ethnicity. For example, black men have been found to show lower rates of heavy drinking in young adulthood than white men (Caetano & Herd, 1984; Caetano, 1984; Herd, 1990), and black females show higher rates of abstinence at all ages than white females (Caetano, 1984). Hispanic young adults, similar to non-Hispanic whites, have been found to show increases in heavy drinking and associated problems during the young adult years (Caetano, 1984), but Hispanic women show higher rates of abstention at all ages than non-Hispanic white women (Caetano, 1984). By surveying relatively homogeneous samples of students, possible differences in substance use patterns by young adults in minority groups go undetected. Further, the specific data on Black Americans to make such comparisons is generally unavailable.Because of the misperception that binge drinking primarily occurs on the campuses of Predominantly White Institutions (PWIs) of higher learning, very little attention over the years has been focused on factors that influence binge drinking on the campuses of HBCUs (Sheffield, Darkes, Del Boca & Goldman, 2005). Alcohol policies within a state have been found to influence students' binge drinking behaviors at PWIs (Nelson et al., 2005), while active policy intervention has been postulated as a primary factor in reducing student binge drinking rates (Seo & Li, 2009). …

IntroductionHealth disparities involving Blacks are well documented and oft repeated. Hypertension has been identified as a major reason for disproportionate loss of life among Blacks in comparison to other societal groups. Hypertension prevalence estimates for Black and White adults have been reported as 40 versus 30 percent respectively (Hicken, Lee, Morenoff, House, & Williams, 2014). Also, an excessive number of Blacks in their youth has been diagnosed with essential hypertension (Brownstein et al., 2005; Ferdinand, 1997; Peters, 2006). Based upon an empirical investigation involving an older Black cohort, Egan and his colleagues (2015) concluded Blacks tend to endure inordinate complications when hypertensive. Equally disconcerting, medical professionals have frequently noted that, on average, Blacks diagnosed with hypertension need to be prescribed numerous drugs to get their blood pressure under control (Webb & Gonzalez, 2006; Wilson & Childre, 2006). Despite decades of a disparate impact of hypertension on Blacks the trend has not ceased (Branson, Davis, & Butler, 2007; Saunders, 2008).Various speculations concerning a persistently high prevalence of hypertension among Blacks have been discussed in the literature (Flack, 2003; Jamerson, 2004). The wide-ranging speculations have comprised the identification of plausible risk factors for hypertension purported to be specific to Blacks. The identified risks have included salt sensitivity, heritability, regular consumption of a traditional soul food diet (high in fat and sodium), stress, and other genetic and socio-cultural factors (Cooper et. al, 2000; Ashaye & Giles, 2003). Others such as Ferdinand (1997) and Saunders (2008) have suggested limited cross cultural competency extant among those treating Blacks for hypertension may have also influenced unfavorable treatment outcomes. Still, DeHaven and colleagues (2011) maintained that reducing modifiable risk factor prevalence is a prudent approach to combating devastating outcomes associated with cardiovascular health issues in Blacks and other high risk communities. They further commented that sustained modification of lifestyles that support cardiovascular risk, such as hypertension, can vastly reduce the number of deaths resulting from cardiovascular disorders.Stress, diet, and exercise are among the modifiable risk factors noted to affect hypertension onset, morbidity, and mortality (Wilson & Childre, 2006). Many investigators have targeted one or more of the aforementioned risks via community outreach intervention or the implementation of basic research. Recently, Hicken and colleagues (2014) examined chronic stress as a significant contributor to the disparity in hypertension rates in a sample of Blacks, Hispanics, and non-Hispanic Whites. They found that Blacks had comparatively higher stress reactions to anticipated racial discrimination which they reported yields a 4% increased likelihood of hypertension. Jones, Tucker, and Herman (2009) chose to examine various types of stress and nutrition behavior in a sample of Black women with or at risk for hypertension. They concluded that stress obstructed healthy eating behavior and led to poorer health amongst the women they studied. The need to better equip Blacks with effective stress interventions is warranted as its consequences are not exclusive to increased physiological arousal (i.e. stress) but also have important implications for diet including obesity.Liu and colleagues (2013) examined how risks associated with insufficient exercise coupled with unhealthy dietary patterns predispose Blacks to hypertension related health problems. Underscoring the need to promote more physical activity among Blacks, Tate, Dillaway, Yarandi, Jones, and Wilson (2015) studied diet, exercise, and obesity in Black adolescents and described obesity in this population as being of epidemic proportions. Paschal, Lewis, Martin, Shipp, and Simpson (2006) note that sedentary lifestyles have been linked to hypertension and, on average, Blacks have been reported to be more sedentary than is recommended for health maintenance. …

In this study we examined the college choice process for Black males attending community colleges. Using data from the Educational Longitudinal Study, findings indicated that Black males who attend community colleges select their institutions based upon having a degree in their chosen field, the coursework/curriculum, job placement record, availability of financial aid, and academic reputation. Independent t-tests indicated Black males were more likely than four-year collegians to select an institution based upon the desire to live at home, for the school's easy admissions policies, for the school being the same as one attended by the parent, and the school's acceptance of college credit. After controlling for potentially mitigating factors, we found that students attended community colleges that placed greater importance on low expenses, the academic reputation of the institution, the school's easy admissions, and the school's acceptance of college credit. Recommendations for further research are extended.IntroductionEvery year, Black male high school seniors from around the nation make important decisions about their post-high school futures. During this period, many determine whether or not they will attend college. For non-college bound students, many will enlist into the armed forces or enter directly into the workforce (Nevarez & Wood, 2010). For those students who decide that college is the most appropriate path, they must determine what type of institution they will attend. For those Black males attending public colleges, the selection of post-secondary institutions is overwhelmingly in favor of community colleges (also referred to as public two-year colleges), where 70.5% of them will enroll. In contrast, only 28.5% will attend public fouryear colleges and universities2 (BPS, 2009).It has been asserted by Bush (2004), that Black males attend community colleges to secure economic, political, and social mobility. For these students, the community college represents their first and likely last effort to obtain a postsecondary degree (Bush & Bush, 2004, 2005, 2010). Unfortunately, beyond these general assertions, little empirical evidence (if any) exists which delineates why Black males attend community colleges as opposed to four-year institutions. Extant literature on the overall community college student population illustrates that academically challenged students capitalize on the open-door policies of community colleges whereby prior educational performance is not taken into consideration in admission (Cohen & Brawer, 2003; Nevarez & Wood, 2010). These students utilize community colleges as an opportunity to restart their educational careers. In contrast, high achieving high school students also attend community colleges; many of these students capitalize on low-cost educational programming to complete their general education requirements for transfer (Laanan, 2003; Lee, 2011). Still yet, some students, academically qualified or otherwise fail to take the necessary steps for four-year college enrollment such as completion of assessment exams, and as a result, attend community colleges (Hebert, 2001).Scholars have noted the importance of investigating college enrollment decision-making factors. In particular, they advocate for an understanding of how decision-making differs based upon racial affiliation for students' selection of two- and four-year institutions (Pema, 2002; Kurlaender, 2006). Further, research has also noted that the college choice process differs by racial affiliation (Lee, 2011). The intersection of race, ethnicity, and gender in relationship to the college selection process was the primary focus of our study. With this in mind, we investigated variables that influence Black male students' decisions to attend public two-year versus public four-year institutions. Our research provides an enhanced understanding of the drivers which impact Black male students' post-secondary selections, providing insight on the role that interests (e. …

Our study examines impact of adult mentoring on Black, under-resourced, urban, middle grade students. First, we explore impact of mentoring on grades earned in context of a comprehensive program which included one-on-one mentoring and an array of out-of-school enrichment activities. We also examine nature of mentor-mentee engagement during mentoring interactions. Descriptive statistics were used to compare mean differences in grade point averages (GPAs) of students in comprehensive program with those in non-comprehensive (one-on-one mentoring only) program. Comprehensive Program mentees earned higher GPAs than non-comprehensive mentees overall in mathematics, reading, and science. Further, when reading GPAs of groups were compared, mean difference was statistically significant at .05 level. An independent samples t-test for equality of means was also used to explore impact of mentor-mentee engagement. Results from this examination highlighted importance of intensity and content of engagement during mentor-mentee interactions.IntroductionA great deal of attention has been paid to academic performance of urban Black American students. Much of this attention has been focused on disparity issues as reflected in standardized test performance (e.g., Berliner, 2009; Gordon, Iwamoto, Ward, Potts & Boyd, 2009; Hermstein & Murray, 1994; Neal, 2005; Robelen, 2013). Since early 1970s National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) has been testing progress of students in United States in school subjects of mathematics and reading. The stated purpose of nation-wide testing was to keep policy makers, educators, and general public informed regarding trends in student performance. In addition to test results performance, NAEP officials have also provided guidance about how to interpret test (Vanneman, Hamilton, Baldwin Anderson & Rahman, 2009).Data analysis shared by NAEP revealed a persistent test score gap between under- and adequately resourced groups. The gap garnered increasing attention. Specifically, attention highlightedin popular press tended to focus on descriptions of presumed deficits of Black and Latino Americanstudents (who were over-represented in under-resourced group) often without taking into account thecautions in interpreting scores and trends urged by NAEP analysts. Some education professionals and others acknowledged trends as well as context in which they took place (Barton & Coley, 2010; Berliner, 2009; Gee, 2011; Grissmer, Kirby, Berends, & Williamson, 1994). Others argued that focus on economic factors as a possible cause for disparities drew needed attention away from more complex and difficult-to-discuss issues; one of which is variation of human intelligence across groups of people (Hermstein & Murray, 1994; Jencks & Phillips, 1998). Hemstein and Murray contended that failure to take into account the role of intelligence is to... grope with symptoms instead of causes, [and] to stumble into supposed remedies that have no chance of working (pp. xxii-xxiii). In fact, Jencks and Phillips strongly suggested that case for economic factors was overstated; they posited that cultural and psychological factors more likely played an even more important role in academic achievement outcomes than economics.Still, what in many instances may be less well known by general public was fact that when resources were made available to families and were directed to address both in- and out-of school needs, student groups who had previously been expected to struggle academically began to make steady gains (Barton & Coley, 2010; Gee, 2011; Vanneman, et al., 2009). Further, researchers noted that when political and educational policies shifted and led to significantly reduced funding for ameliorative efforts, progress in reducing disparities stopped. …

Our study examined experiences of three middle school teachers who created their own History Month curriculum. Although, relevance of History Month is under scrutiny by opponents who feel it marginalized history of Americans, proponents of this position have failed: to account for teachers who view and use this Month to challenge passive approaches to teaching history and to provide for overreliance on traditional historical sources. Our goal was to uncover various ways in which teachers navigate or interrupt official that marginalizes history of Americans. Findings suggest that History Month teaching operates in both transgressive and regressive ways that require more scholarly attention and consideration to tease out appropriate pedagogies.IntroductionThe philosophical underpinnings that prompted Negro History Week (now History Month) served as an attempt at reconfiguring long and troubling discourse concerning representation of people in K-12 curriculum (Bair, 2013; Dagbovie, 2007; Sesay, 1996; Woodson, 1926). As early as 19th century, history in K-12 schools presented people as non-existent or egregious caricatures in master script (Swartz, 2007) to infer state of natural inferiority to Whites. School curriculum, represented through textbooks, contributed to self-hatred for children and helped propagate racial bigotry and doctrine of White supremacy (Elson,1964; Dubois, 1935; Woodson, 1933). The father of history, Carter G. Woodson (1994/1933), proclaimed that curriculum taught children that their Black skin was curse (p. 3) and that they should hold an inferior place to other in society. Additionally, he surmised that schoolchildren and adults internalized curriculum that contributed to both symbolic and physical violence against American children, because there would be no lynching if it did not start in schoolroom (Woodson, 1933, p. 3).Statements from historian Arnold Toynbee stating that people no productive contribution to civilization (cited in Winston, 1975, p. 462) or philosopher Georg Hegel's (2004) comments that Africans had an unhistorical spirit (p. 171) were indicative of attitudes and dispositions about peoples' heritage displayed in early textbooks (Epstein & King, 2012). Several late 19th century and early 20th century school textbooks (Elson, 1964; Foster, 1999; Dubois, 1935; King, Davis, & Brown, 2012; Reddick, 1934; Spearman, 2013) unfortunately showcased Americans as childlike, foolish, and uncomplicated which exemplified how the African Negro was clearly regarded as most degraded of races (Elson, 1964 p. 87). It was not uncommon to see texts that described race as destitute of intelligence (Smith, 1851 p. 157) or a brutish people having little more of humanity but form (Elements, 1789, p. 30). Sherman Williams' (1898) Choice Literature: Book One for Grammar Grades even used religion to conclude ominous social position of people:He [God] first made man realized he had done badly, and then created successively lighter races, improving as He went along (p.l 17). To White man He gave box of books and paper, to box of tools so that could work for White man ... which he has continued to do (p. 117).The primary and secondary school curriculum, therefore, were antecedents for racial discrimination. The school curriculum was part of racial apparatus to maintain schema of White superiority and subordination. These historical narratives began to promote taken-for-granted and normalized notions of race where both Whites and people accepted their inherent status in society.In an effort to fix these issues with representation of history, Woodson believed that an effective weeklong school intervention program concerning Negro history would help to: (a) invalidate existing axiom of historical thought found in school curriculum about people, (b) provide an uplifting curriculum to school children, (c) alleviate racism by providing students, teachers, and citizens counter curriculum that spoke against racist discourse of society (King, Crowley, & Brown, 2010; Sesay, 1996; Woodson, 1926). …

The number of Black women in the academy is small. Further, that number decreases as the academic and administrative ranks increase. Yet, these scholars and social agents play roles vital to education. This reflective essay describes the experiences of three Black female scholars at Predominately White Institutions. Using personal narratives as analytical framework, the authors discuss how they use research, teaching, community service, and mentoring opportunities to affect social change. This autoethnographical work seeks to heighten awareness of those who use profession, despite the systemic barriers as a catalyst for transformation and emancipation both within and outside the academy.IntroductionEducation has consistently been at the center of the Black community. Upon emancipation from human bondage, reconstruction governments led by Black legislators instituted free public schools along with other forms of democratic government and social legislation that broadened participation for all citizens (Wallace, Hinton-Hudson, Moore, Hart & Wilson, 2010). Because education was one of the most respectable professions that was open to Blacks before and after emancipation, American life and education are inconceivable without presence (Harley, 2008; McKay, 1997). Many Black educators played prominent roles as scholars and social change agents at all levels of education. Black women in the academy, in particular, began in human bondage and emerged as early as 1850 as formal educators in newlyformed Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs). They served as both scholars and social change agents who specialized in the humbler trades - nursing, home economics, and moral teaching - and who focused on the moral, social, and educational development of young Black women as uplifters of race as opposed to a liberal arts education like White female counterparts (Collins, 2001, p. 32; Gregory, 1995; Harley, 2008). As authors and the subjects of this paper, we focus on Black women currently in the academy, who like these early pioneers, continue to stand in the gap as dual scholars and agents of social change defined here as an alteration of social structures or culture over time (Thomas, 2001, p. 83).As Black women who are educators we believe that a career in the academy can be very rewarding. It provides us as administrators and faculty the freedom to pursue our own research interests, autonomy and control over work, and opportunities for stimulating, creative, and intellectual development (Alfred, 2001). That said, Black women in academia differ in experiences, background, appearances, and beliefs; however, they are connected in the academy in their struggle to be accepted and respected members of society, and desire to have a voice (Collins, 2001, p. 29). We argue, like others, that presence on campus is critical as they simultaneously assume the roles of scholars, researchers, educators, mentors, service providers and social change agents, sometimes with aspirations for advancement up the hierarchy of supervisory, management, and administrative goals (Harley, 2008, p. 24). Because of underrepresentation on campus, often these women-not being privy to mentoring, informal networks, and information-work in isolation that can have detrimental effects on morale and job satisfaction, which may cause some of them to leave the academy altogether (Fries-Britt & Turner-Kelly, 2005; Wallace et al., 2010). Oftentimes, Black women faculty are subjected to gendered racism, a belief that these women are better suited to work or serve in race-centered institutions or environments as opposed to Predominantly White Institutions (PWIs). Additionally, some Black women faculty may experience gender devaluation, a process where the status and power of authoritative position are downplayed when a woman holds it and penalized for those agitating for change (Harley, 2008; Monroe, Ozyurt, Wrigley & Alexander, 2008; Wallace et al. …

The BeginningHumbly, I begin my first year as Editor-in-Chief with this Volume 65 of NER. Filling the shoes of Dr. Alice Scales and Dr. Shirley Biggs is impossible; however, I will be led by the following principles that were passed on to me by Dr. Scales and Dr. Biggs. Therefore, as Editor-in-Chief my job will be to ensure that NER will continue to strive to (a) meticulously seek out and publish the truth, (b) responsibly question the status quo when it threatens to endanger or compromise the lives of Blacks throughout the Diaspora, (c) relentlessly examine controversial issues from a range of perspectives to prevent unwarranted slant or bias, and (d) reliably provide opportunities for those who have the intellectual tools and knowledge in specific areas to present their work in NER (Scales & Biggs, 2005, p. 239).TransitionThe transition of NER has taken much longer than we had anticipated. Finding suitable space, changing operational procedures, creating a new website; and assembling new managing editors has been a challenge. However, the transition from Florida A & M University to the Fayetteville State University continues to move forward. As a result of our successes, I want to acknowledge my appreciation to Dr. Doreen B. Hilton and Dr. Noran L. Moffett, co-managing editors for their perseverance and support. Secondly, I extend a special thank you to Dr. James A. Anderson, Chancellor of Fayetteville State University, and Dr. Jon Young, Provost and Vice Chancellor of Academic Affairs at Fayetteville State University, for their commitment and support of the journal through these challenging financial times. Thirdly, thank you to President Jacqueline Dee Gardner of the American Association of Blacks in Higher Education (AABHE) and members of AABHE for their continued dedication and support of the NER Fourth, my thanks to those of you who have supported the journal and provided positive comments about NER I welcome your comments at NER@uncfsu. edu.The Journey ContinuesAuthors of articles in this issue represent institutions across the United States. Their topics of research are as varied as authors' in previous issues of NERIn the article Teaching Then and Now: Female Scholars and the Mission to Move beyond Borders, the authors explore the historical and contemporary struggles of female scholars who overcame multiple forms of resistance in higher education. Personal reflections of Sadie Tanner Mossell Alexander, Eva Beatrice Dykes, and Georgiana Simpson, the first women in the United States to earn doctorate degrees, were examined.In the article Once a Year to be Black: Fighting against Typical History Month Pedagogies, the authors examine the experiences of three middle school teachers who created their own History Month curriculum. The goal of the authors was to uncover various ways in which teachers can navigate or interrupt official curriculum that marginalizes the history of Americans.In the article Black Women as Scholars and Social Agents: Standing in the Gap, the authors assert that the number of women in the academy continues to be small and decreases the higher the academic or administrative ranks. …

Racial equality and racial equity in U.S. education has been elusive although decades of education reform have them as goals. Current discourse advocate colorblind and post-racial solutions to racial inequality and racial inequity in education; these solutions implicate presentism, a view that exclusively circumscribes the existence of present-day conditions to the here and now. On the supposition that history is important in understanding present-day challenges, the article promotes historical reflexivity, a process in which education reformers consider the history around present-day desired goals and related outcomes. To illustrate the relevancy of history in developing education reform that facilitates progress towards racial equality and racial equity, a historical trace of racial inequality and racial inequity in education for the U.S. writ large and New Orleans specifically is presented.IntroductionAfter decades of attempts to achieve racial equality and racial equity in education, these aims remain elusive in the United States (U.S.). Educational inequality and inequity have emerged and reemerged in various forms throughout U.S. history as overt acts of prohibition of some groups to be educated to more subtle manifestations like inadequate instructional facilities or scant course offerings in a school's curriculum with people of color more likely to be subjected to these conditions. As the U.S. populace becomes increasingly diverse with 2050 projections indicating that non-Whites will constitute 54% of the future U.S. population (U.S. Census, 2009), educational equality and equity for all U.S. racial groups gains increased importance. For a substantial portion of the U.S. population to be inadequately educated and prepared for life in the 21st century is not only antithetical and threatening to the democratic ideals upon which the U.S. was founded but also is materially disadvantageous for U.S. international competitiveness, global prominence, and quality of life (Camevale, Smith, & Melton, 2011). The demographic shift to greater diversity is already evident. The U.S. Department of Education projects that in fall 2014 51% and 48% of students enrolled in grades pre-K through eight and grades nine through twelve, respectively, in U.S. public schools will be non-White (Krogstad & Fry, 2014); the vast majority of these students are clustered in high1 poverty, high-minority enrollment schools, institutions that receive disproportionately fewer and lowerquality resources than their low-poverty, low-minority counterparts. It is imperative for the U.S. to prepare a larger segment of its population, which includes people of color, to productively engage the 21st century.Equality and equity are often interchangeably used in common parlance. Similar to the conceptualizations posited by Brayboy, Castagno, and Maughan (2007), we view equality and equity as different but intricately connected. Equality denotes a state of sameness or similarity. In this sense, racial equality in education will be realized when the same quantity and quality of resources (e.g., human, material, symbolic) comprise the educational experiences of all U.S. racial groups. Equity usually pertains to the distribution of resources, both quantity and quality, according to need with equality as the end goal. Equity operates as an equalizer in which investments are made at a level and for a duration that is sufficient to produce and sustain the highest quality outcomes for all groups. After similar outcomes have been achieved in education and other domains (e.g., economy, polity) that directly affect educational outcomes then equality (i.e., the same quantity and quality of resources) is employed as a maintenance mechanism, much like its function in the present era. Because equal educational outcomes, as defined as commensurate to a group's representation in the overall population, across U.S. racial groups have never been obtained, today's equality approaches serve to maintain existing inequalities. …

In recent years, a number of Black female junior scholars have participated in an early career professional development program designed to address socialization issues through individual and small group mentoring. This descriptive qualitative study investigated scholars' perceptions of the importance and effectiveness of a research bootcamp-like experience in the form of an early career professional development program. Findings from a focus group interview with seven junior scholar participants conducted as part of a larger study indicate that while traditional socialization activities fail to include knowledge about writing and publishing, as well as provisions for developing a professional and personal network that Black female faculty identify as crucial for success, the Research BootCamp experience includes this information.IntroductionThe factors that contribute to academic and professional success in the academy often include indicators provided at the onset of a junior scholar's career. These aspects include a well thought-out program of research or research agenda, clear and consistent performance criteria, and successful tenure and promotion. Researchers have examined these factors in many institutional and gendered contexts (Johnsrud «fe DesJarlais, 1994; Phelps, 1995; Ponjuan, Martin Conley, «fe Trower, 2011; Villalpando «fe Delgado Bernal, 2002). Also, critical knowledge and skill areas identified for new faculty include teaching, research, service, and academic citizenship (LaRocco «fe Bruns, 2006). Unfortunately, many junior scholars often do not receive adequate socialization to become productive faculty members (LaRocco «fe Bruns, 2006; Ortlieb, Biddix, «fe Doepker, 2010; Reynolds, 1992). Traditionally, socialization activities have focused on discipline-based knowledge and skills required for professional success. Nevertheless, these socialization activities fail to address the many unstated and undocumented aspects of academic culture that new faculty identify as crucial to their professional success (Johnson, 2001; LaRocco Nevertheless, inadequate preparation for success as a faculty member not only results in added difficulties for emerging scholars, but also for graduate students they advise. In short, professional development activities designed with new faculty in mind help to mitigate the issues this group faces in academia. Since socialization is an important factor in the academic preparation and professional success of early career faculty (Clark Socialization issues are especially acute for Black female faculty given their limited representation in academia, notwithstanding efforts to diversify higher education and the professoriate specifically. The 2009 United States Census (2010) reported .5% of Black females 25 years and older held doctoral degrees compared to .9% of White females. Out of the 63,712 doctoral degrees conferred in 2007-2008, 4% (2,594) were awarded to Black females; they comprise 12.8% of female faculty, and 3.6% of all other faculty (NCES, 2009).Increasing the number and percentage of Black female faculty can lead to a positive and lasting impact on the overall health of the academy. For example, the presence of more underrepresented faculty role models is likely to broadly influence the recruitment and graduation rate of underrepresented doctoral students, as well as socialize these students to life in the academy (Ayers, 1983; Blackwell, 1983; Brown, 1991; Pruitt

In order to increase the number of health care providers in underserved communities, numerous efforts are being made to increase the number of Black students in the health professions. Research supports the idea that individuals from minority populations seek doctors of the same race or culture. In an effort to provide increased health care to minority communities, researchers and educators endeavor to understand the factors that prevent Black students from matriculating in and graduating from professional schools. In this study we explored how students persist in health professions, despite academic and social challenges. Specifically, the career persistence of four Black pre-health students was explored using semi-structured interviews. Career persistence and motivation were investigated using the framework of self-determination theory (SDT). Results indicate that the SDT framework does not fully incorporate the motivational experiences of these students. Further, we propose an expansion of the current SDT model.IntroductionAs the diversity of the United States population is increasing, the number of non-White health care professionals remains stagnant. Research demonstrates that an increase in the number of non-White or minority (i.e., Hispanic, Native American, and Black American) physicians could increase care to the underserved as minority physicians are more likely to treat minority patients, many of whom are in underserved populations. Minority patients are more likely to seek out minority physicians who consider their patients' customs, beliefs, and language in their treatment plan (Hargraves, Stoddard & Trude, 2001; Riley, 2007; Saha, Taggart, Komaromy, & Bindman, 2000). Marc Nivet, the Association of American Medical Colleges chief diversity officer, reinforces research findings by stating that increased diversity in healthcare impacts not only the patients served, but also improves the cultural competency of all health care providers (M. A. Nivet, personal communication, February 2, 2011). Therefore, in order to increase the number of minority physicians, it is necessary to increase the number of minority pre-health students by recruiting and retaining Black and other non-Black pre-health students.In attempts to cultivate a more diverse and culturally competent workforce, professional schools have made efforts to increase the application of Black students by hiring recruiters, developing summer pre-professional programs and science camps to develop early interest in the health professions (Grumbach Researchers have suggested several reasons for decreased career persistence including: motivation, advising, past academic achievement, career aspirations upon entering college, satisfaction with college, engagement, peer groups, academic major, standardized test scores, Grade Point Average (GPA), campus climate, selectivity and size, faculty student interactions, academic major, student perception of the environment, and the number of pre-medical students (Antony, 1996, 1998; Barr, Gonzalez, «fe Wanat, 2008; Fries-Britt, 1997; Hollow, Patterson, Olsen, «fe Baldwin, 2006). However, Lovecchio and Dundes (2002) indicate that the predominant reasons for Black students' decreased persistence are: (a) academic challenges, (b) advisement, (c) campus climate, and (d) motivation. Despite these challenges, a portion of Black students do continue to persist in health-related careers. …