This comparative study analyses how Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) is represented in the media of China and India, the coalition's two most populous and influential members. While BRICS has been extensively examined in political science and international relations, its communicative dimensions remain underexplored. To address this gap, the study introduces a proactive - reactive analytical lens to capture how media frame BRICS along a continuum, from a driver of change to a response to external crises. A quantitative content analysis of 2556 articles published between 2020 and 2024 in China Daily, People's Daily Online, The Hindu, and The Times of India was conducted. Articles were coded for type, focus, topic, news geography, and proactive/reactive orientation. Findings reveal a clear divergence. Chinese outlets were more likely to adopt a proactive orientation, emphasising institutional innovation, multipolarity, and collective advancement, particularly around BRICS summits. By contrast, Indian news organisations more often framed BRICS in reactive terms, focusing on crisis diplomacy and balancing imperatives. The proactive-reactive dimension offers a comparative lens for understanding how divergent media systems narrate global governance, underscoring both the possibilities and limits of South-South communication.
This study examines how leading international development NGOs construct their public face of development through their social media representations of aid recipients and providers. Drawing on a critically oriented quantitative content analysis of 1037 Facebook and Twitter (now "X") posts collected from four US-based global development NGOs, the study analyzes recurring visual and verbal patterns of representation. The findings reveal a persistent dominance of women and children depicted as passive recipients, juxtaposed against active and agentive providers, thereby reproducing colonial and gendered hierarchies between the global South and the global North. While negative imagery is largely absent, this avoidance does not resolve the ethical tensions embedded in dominant development discourses and the complex politics of NGO visibility in the digital space. The study calls for more reflexive and subversive NGO communication practices that foster equitable visibility and critically challenge the platformed politics underlying development representation in the digital age.
This longitudinal study compares how Belgium and Sweden have managed their nation branding online via their official Twitter (X) accounts between 2014 and 2023. Combining a large quantitative content analysis with an in-depth qualitative framing analysis, this research scrutinises the attention to different nation brand hexagon factors and the precise role immigration has played in their online branding approach, as this time period was marked by conflicts in the Middle East, Asia and Ukraine, leading to several refugee situations. Our findings show a different approach in online nation branding among both countries. Although the digital content focusing on immigration is limited, Sweden addresses this nation-branding factor more frequently and in a more structured way than Belgium. We conclude that paying attention to the topic of immigration can serve to brand a nation by presenting its specific self-representation - in the case of Sweden, five distinctive frames were identified.
This article examines how religiously conservative Turkish diasporic women interpret Turkish celebrity magazine television, a widely circulating yet morally ambivalent genre that remains underexplored in diaspora research. Drawing on qualitative interviews with 27 women in Germany, Belgium and Austria, the study explores how audiences engage with culturally familiar media within diasporic contexts shaped by migration histories and gendered expectations of propriety. The analysis identifies three recurring interpretive tendencies conceptualised as normative repertoires: patriotic tolerance, strategic moral distancing and gendered misrecognition. These repertoires capture how participants negotiate moral discomfort, familiarity and questions of audience address in relation to celebrity culture. The findings show how media interpretation is shaped not only by moral evaluation but also by concerns about diasporic visibility and national representation, contributing to feminist reception and diaspora media scholarship.
The study analyses public discourse on artificial intelligence (AI) in the Arab region. It examines how AI is framed by four mainstream news outlets, reflecting various ideological and international perspectives - BBC Arabic, Al Jazeera, CNBC and DW - highlighting topics, frames and sources over 6 months. Findings show a strong focus on business, finance and technology across all outlets. The news outlets also relied more on episodic than thematic framing, with personal frames prevailing over societal ones. Moreover, AI received a mixed portrayal, with a growing focus on ethical concerns, while its potential and risks were framed differently in Western and non-Western news outlets. Finally, AI-democracy frames received minimal coverage, with BBC focusing on disinformation, Al Jazeera on political participation and DW on surveillance. Overall, the study's findings show that while AI news coverage in the Arab region broadly aligns with some global trends, some cross-cultural and cross-outlet variations exist, and societal and democratic dimensions remain largely overlooked.
This essay introduces the Global Media and Internet Concentration Project (GMICP), and some of its findings as well as ten articles by project contributors that make up this special double issue of the International Communication Gazette. It begins by setting the topic of media and internet concentration within the long dur & eacute;e of communication and capitalism, reviews a slice of the contemporary literature on the topic, and then presents the project's shared conceptual and methodological framework. The last half of the essay presents snapshots of the world's largest media economies and companies, along with select international comparisons. It closes by reviewing some of Noam's (2016) key findings from a decade ago, showing where things have stayed consistent and where they are now wildly different. The essay concludes by proposing that the critique of media and internet concentration augment the conventional focus on "opinion power" with: architecture control; gatekeeping power; pricing; standards setting; and regulatory capture.
The first part of the paper uses GMICP data to measure the degree of concentration in the various telecommunications, Internet services, and media markets, as well as changes in the relative sizes of these markets. Concentration levels and trends in market size are highly differentiated from one market to another, while the finesse of the data collected using the GMICP methodology makes it possible to analyze problematic situations while overall market concentration levels remain moderate. The second part, dedicated to discussion, identifies how the data collected within GMICP can contribute both to understanding the industrial, cultural, ethical, and political developments of these activities and to the contentious public debates in France on concentration, its challenges, and the necessary transformations in regulation. The theoretical framework is that of cultural industry theory, which is closely aligned with GMICP's objectives and methodology.
This article examines the growth and structural transformation of South Korea's network media economy from 2010 to 2022 as part of the Global Media and Internet Concentration Project. Using CR4 and Herfindahl-Hirschman Index measures, it analyzes revenue trends and market concentration across telecommunications, media services, and core internet sectors. Despite overall industry growth, concentration levels declined due to the rapid expansion of digital cultural industries. However, oligopolistic control persists in the telecoms sector, while global platforms and major domestic players are increasing their influence in online media services. As a result, Korea's media economy has become increasingly dualized, characterized by concentrated infrastructure sectors alongside diversified media services. The article highlights that rapid industrial expansion does not necessarily ensure the decentralization of market power, and it calls for critical perspectives on market concentration and industrial restructuring in the digital age.
This article challenges the dominant narrative that media development in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) has shifted from globalization to "oligarchization." Using original data from the Global Media and Internet Concentration Project, it examines the transformation of Central European Media Enterprises (CME) under Czech investment group PPF since 2020. Grounded in a critical political economy approach, the study analyzes CME's hybrid strategy combining local-language content, streaming-first distribution, and telco-media convergence. Rather than political instrumentalization by national capital, the case illustrates a commercially driven, regionally scaled consolidation model. The article introduces the concept of "compartmentalized" regionalism to describe how cross-border integration coexists with nationally segmented operations. The findings offer a non-Western perspective on contemporary media globalization and highlight emerging industrial configurations in peripheral markets shaped by both convergence and fragmentation.
We examine the evolving political economy of the U.S. wireless communications market through a case study of the 2020T-Mobile/Sprint merger. Drawing on industry data from the Global Media & Internet Concentration Project and policy documents from the merger review, we show how the merging parties and regulators worked to construct the perception of competition to justify the transaction's approval despite clear evidence of oligopolistic concentration. We conceptualize this strategy as performative competition, involving regulators downplaying antitrust concerns, reframing consumer harms, and emphasizing speculative promises of 5G deployment to approve a corporate merger. We argue that performative competition is an increasingly necessary regulatory strategy, which emerges from policymakers' neoliberal deference to dominant industry actors in a political economy marked by the growing consolidation of wireless markets; entails an increasing decoupling of communications policymaking from regulatory empirical analysis; and fulfills a discursive policy function of legitimating policy decisions to policy stakeholders.
This paper examines how digital platforms have come to embody a new form of media power, reshaping the Australian media economy and challenging traditional understandings of media influence. While legacy media power was grounded in content ownership and political influence, platform power today stems from infrastructural dominance, algorithmic control, and the commodification of user data. Drawing on the concept of the network media economy, the paper explores how tech giants like Alphabet and Meta have overtaken traditional Australian media firms in advertising revenue and market influence. Using metrics such as Concentration Ratio (CR4) and the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index, the paper demonstrates the extreme consolidation within digital services sectors. It also considers the political implications of this shift, highlighting how platform companies are increasingly influential in shaping public discourse and policy, both directly and through their economic leverage. The paper argues for a reframing of media power that encompasses both traditional and emerging forms of dominance, urging policy responses that reflect the integrated, multi-sectoral nature of today's media landscape.
This study analyzes concentration dynamics in Spain's media and telecommunications industries between 2019 and 2022, highlighting structural and economic transformations that affect pluralism and democracy. Significant mergers, alongside media cross-ownership trends, illustrate the integration of telecommunications and content production within multimedia conglomerates. Data from corporate financial statements, audience reports, and harmonized indicators (CR4, HHI) reveal oligopolistic tendencies reinforced by global tech platforms, investment funds, and weak regulatory oversight. The study underscores that media concentration is not only an economic issue but also a political and cultural challenge, shaping public discourse, editorial independence, and access to information. Recommendations include enhanced transparency, regulatory reinforcement, and cross-sector monitoring to safeguard media plurality.
This study examines the structure, scale and scope of Australia's television streaming services market against the backdrop of the incoming 'prominence legislation'. Streaming video is now the second-largest content market in Australia with a diverse blend of international subscription video-on-demand (SVOD) services, local advertising-supported broadcast video-on-demand (BVOD) services and hybrid models. The recently passed Communications Legislation Amendment (Prominence and Anti-Siphoning) Bill requires new televisions prioritise BVOD apps as free-to-air (FTA) television companies face increased competition from subscription streaming giants. Mixed reactions from industry stakeholders, reflect complex relationships and power dynamics in the sector. This article provides an overview of the Australian streaming industry, summarises the new legislation, and analyses market diversity. It then considers the implications of the legislation for market competition and the future of FTA television in Australia. Findings suggest that while the law benefits BVOD services, its long-term viability remains uncertain as SVOD services increasingly incorporate advertising. The study highlights the challenges of regulating an emerging industry and underscores important economic and cultural considerations in policymaking.
Structurally, African Pay TV markets are oligopoly in nature. This paper looks at the corporate strategies and history of the three transnational media companies - French Canal Plus (a spin-off company of the French multinational company, Vivendi, as of 2023), South African MultiChoice (a spin-off company of the South African multi-media conglomerate company, Naspers, as of 2019) and Chinese StarTimes. Combined, the three companies have over 70 percent of the market share of the continent's subscription Pay TV markets in terms of the numbers of the Pay TV subscribers. The paper concludes by highlighting the broader regulatory concerns and inherent limitations of ad-hoc broadcasting policy regime in relations to the subscription Pay TV market structure.
This article examines the Federal Institute of Telecommunications' (IFT) efforts to tackle media and telecom concentration in Mexico from 2014 to 2024. Using Herfindahl-Hirschman Index and revenue metrics, it evaluates competition in mobile and fixed internet, pay-TV, and broadcast TV. While asymmetric regulations targeting Am & eacute;rica M & oacute;vil and Grupo Televisa have produced modest results in wireline and broadband, overall concentration remains high-especially in mobile and broadcasting. The study underscores the IFT's weakened regulatory role under the L & oacute;pez Obrador and Sheinbaum administrations, as political efforts to dismantle autonomous regulators intensify. Drawing on political economy and historical-structural frameworks, the article advocates for more dynamic, service-specific regulation. It concludes that Mexico's media and telecom sectors are at a critical juncture, where future governance must balance economic, political, and socio-cultural goals in a rapidly evolving digital media network economy.
Over the past decades, deregulation in the telecommunications sector, changing business models in the audiovisual media industries, and the rise of global platforms have transformed the Italian media economy. If the "network media economy" approach has the merit of providing an effective and synthetic view of the evolution of media industries over time, its general overview risks overlooking the role of the very subjects that make up these industries, that is, media firms and their strategies. The paper argues that by situating the network media economy within a larger framework that encompasses the actions of media corporations within political, technological, and social frameworks, it is possible to gain a greater awareness of the equilibria at stake. The specific case of Sky Italia, a multichannel video distribution company owned by News Corp and, since 2018, Comcast, is used as a case history to highlight the evolution of the national media industries.
This paper examines China's platform antitrust actions between 2019 and 2023, situating them within the broader contexts of industrial policy and geopolitical tensions. Between March 2021 and July 2022, SAMR issued 126 antitrust penalties against 12 leading tech firms including Tencent, ByteDance, Meituan, and Baidu. While these moves reflect state concerns over market concentration, they also expose tensions in China's political economy, as these firms are key actors in industrial upgrading and digital transformation targeted by policies such as Made in China 2025 and the Manufacturing Power Strategy (zhizao qiangguo) in intensified geopolitical environment. Drawing on regulatory documents, policy texts, and SAMR penalty decisions, this paper addresses a gap in platform and policy studies by highlighting the role of private internet companies in advancing state industrial policy and geopolitical goals and offers empirical insights into two decades of market integration in the internet sector through mergers and joint ventures.
We examined news framing of the 2022 Russia-Ukraine war among four countries. Employing quantitative content analysis of (n = 230) news stories, we find complex framing dynamics based on political allyship. NATO ally news outlets, The New York Times and Guardian exhibited strong pro-Ukrainian stance in their framing. China Daily, a communist-affiliated outlet, leaned more toward a pro-Russian perspective, with the Times of India mixed in its frames. US and UK news predominantly attributed responsibility for the war to Russia, casting Ukraine as the victim of Russian aggression. In contrast, while China Daily and The Times of India sympathized with Ukraine as the victim, they were less likely to blame Russia for the war. Overall, provocative narratives were occasionally found, with NYT, Guardian, and Times of India targeting Russia, while China Daily targeted NATO with provocative narratives, demonstrating divergent approaches in the framing of the war based on their political alliance.
This study examines two AI-generated videos—“ Trump Gaza ” and its counter-video, “ Gaza is Ours ”—through the lens of Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MDA), using Kress and Van Leeuwen's visual social semiotics framework. It explores how visual and auditory elements contribute to meaning-making in both videos and uncovers the predominant themes they convey. The findings highlight the persuasive power of AI-generated content in shaping narratives and exposing underlying ideologies during times of conflict. AI can thus be weaponized to control political discourse. While “ Trump Gaza ” seeks to manipulate viewers and promote Trump's displacement agenda, “ Gaza is Ours ” resists this narrative by rejecting forced displacement, mobilizing support, fostering solidarity, and challenging manipulation. Hence, AI can also serve as a tool of resistance against dominant colonial narratives of displacement.
This study examines how three prominent state-funded Arabic media outlets-Al Jazeera (Qatar), DW Arabic (Germany), and Al Hurra (USA)-framed Israel's war on Gaza. Using a mixed-methods approach that integrates quantitative content and qualitative frame analysis, the research identifies distinct framing patterns reflecting sponsor state interests: Al Jazeera emphasizes humanitarian advocacy, while DW Arabic and Al Hurra prioritize security orientations. The study introduces "strategic narrative alignment" to describe how these outlets balance journalistic norms with diplomatic goals. Findings suggest state-funded media function as sophisticated public diplomacy instruments that navigate tensions between credibility and state interests, rather than acting as mere propaganda. This research contributes to understanding media power, framing dynamics, and the evolving role of state-funded media in international conflicts.
