This thematic collection of seven articles published in volumes 60 (2) and 61 (1) of Anthropozoologica follows the workshop on "Human-Deer (Cervus) Relations in their material and symbolic expressions". Organized as part of a seminar by UMR 7209 of the CNRS and MNHN (then titled Archaeozoology, Archaeobotany: Societies, Practices, and Environments-AASPE), this event took place in Paris on October 10, 2022. Under the patronage of Fran & ccedil;ois Poplin (Honorary Director of the UMR), this seminar focused on the rich field of connections that shape the construction and evolution of human societies and their interactions with their animal and plant environments. These were examined through their often foundational roles -both materially, socio-economically, and symbolically- as well as in the realm of popular or scholarly knowledge. Through this lens, it is possible to address broad or more specific issues such as food, medicine, crafts, the transformation and production of equipment, forms of acquisition (hunting, fishing, gathering, livestock raising, agriculture and horticulture...), types of social organization (concept of territory, collective or individual action, sedentary vs. nomadic lifestyles...), or the integration of these elements into mythologies and cosmogony, and finally the development of cultural and ritual practices and their intertwining with other practices.
Some people believe that hunting trophies are ancestral and unchanging. Anthropology and archaeology prove them partly right, since hunting remains have been part of humanity's material and symbolic culture for... ever? However, the trophy, as we see it today, is more the result of an evolution-particularly in museums. Between (neo)hunting traditions and museographic borrowings, the hunting trophy raises questions about the relationship between human and deer, beyond the actual killing of the animal. The conservation and display of animal remains sheds light on the close and sometimes intimate interactions between a human predator and its cervid prey. Based on a multi-stage investigation -from the forest to the museum, including the hunter's home- and transdisciplinary anthropomuseology, this article explores the art of accommodating hunt-ing remains. A trophy is a scandalous object for the non-hunter, but irreplaceable for the hunter. It perpetuates a unique and fleeting moment, that of the (sensitive) encounter between a human and a non-human, and bears witness to the hunter's ontological wanderings. Despite appearances, the trophy is far from dead.
The present essay refers to the presentation we gave in November 2022 at the Mus & eacute;um national d'Histoire naturelle as part of the joint research unit BioArch-BioArch & eacute;ologie, Interactions Soci & eacute;t & eacute;s Environnements seminar on "Les relations humains-cerfs (Cervus) dans leurs expressions mat & eacute;rielles et symboliques". It stems from our research project "Birds and Deer in the Himalayas and Tibet: from ancient Tibetan rituals and archeology to sustainable development" (2022-2023) at University of Bern, Switzerland. The focus of the project is the study of historical and literary sources in Tibetan language, both religious and secular, supplemented by traditions from oral histories according to local informants during observation in situ in Tibet and the Himalayas as well as accounts of modern hunting cultures. These Tibetan sources help understand the belief that deer-both Cervus and Moschus-are harbingers of good fortune to those who behold them. Furthermore, deer are linked with immortality and renewal of vitality for individual and collective welfare due to the annual spontaneous generation of the antlers for Cervus and the continuous growth of the canine teeth for moschus deer. The present essay will discuss these beliefs and modern accounts documented by Tibetan scholars as well as informants during my fieldwork among Sherpa in Nepal. The illustrations comprise pre-historic representations of deer found in Tibet and the Himalayas such as petroglyphs and archeological artefacts of the Tibetan empire which represent deer in gold and silver, as well as hunting scenes represented on painted coffins of the Tibetan imperial period (c. 750 CE). A zoological and ethological presentation of the different Himalayan deer opens this article so that the reader can better understand the nature of the links between them and human populations.
On the Iranian Plateau, prehistoric societies have utilized red deer antler to manufacture tools since at least the Middle Paleolithic. Following a period of intensive use during the Upper Paleolithic, the exploitation of antler material generally declined in the Neolithic, coinciding with the emergence of domestic practices and the increased availability of osseous materials derived from domesticated animals. Nonetheless, antler remained a significant component of material culture, providing key insights into the evolving relationship between early agropastoral communities, wild fauna, and their broader environment throughout the Neolithic period. However, antler productions remain insufficiently studied, both from morphotypological and techno-functional perspectives on the Iranian Plateau, a region of strategic importance for understanding the processes underpinning the emergence and diffusion of domestication. As part of the EXAMS project, we undertook the first comprehensive inventory of antler tools associated with Neolithic/Transitional Chalcolithic communities in Iran. This paper outlines the preliminary results of this research, along with initial data from the techno-functional analysis of assemblages recovered from three key Neolithic sites: Tepe Abdul Hosein, Tepe Sang-e Chakhmaq, and Tepe Zagheh.
Deer represent a distinctive family of ruminant herbivores that have evolved a flexible and opportunistic ecological and evolutionary strategy, enabling them to grow luxurious and resource-demanding antlers that are shed annually. The family Cervidae ranks among the most diverse modern taxonomic groups of herbivores, with even greater diversity in the geological past. This ecological flexibility and opportunism align deer closely with hominins. The relationship between cervids and hominins was crucial for hominin survival during glaciation phases and likely played a role in the colonization of the New World by Paleolithic humans. Studies on the taxonomy and systematics of fossil cervids continue to yield new discoveries and insights. Recent research has revealed that the natural history of the genus Cervus in Europe is more complex than previously thought. We suggest that earliest representative of the genus is the small-sized Cervus nestii (Azzaroli, 1947) n. comb. from the Early Pleistocene of Italy, characterized by simple four-pointed antlers lacking a bez tine. The onset of the Middle Pleistocene saw the emergence of the large-sized red deer, with subspecies exhibiting antlers featuring a bez tine but no crown, known as Cervus elaphus acoronatus Beninde, 1937. Subsequently, approximately 400 000 years ago, the "modern" Cervus elaphus Linnaeus, 1758 emerged, displaying high plasticity, diversification, and giving rise to several subspecies during the Late Pleistocene. Our recent revisions at a European scale have uncovered the presence of the wapiti, Cervus canadensis Erxleben, 1777, a species currently inhabiting North America and Asia. From Crimea to Sweden, several subspecies previously attributed to the red deer have been reinterpreted and associated with the wapiti.
The region between the Danube and the Carpathians is a key area for research into prehistoric periods, particularly those relating to the 5th millennium BC. This period is marked by the evolution of the Kodjadermen-Gumelnita-Karanovo VI technocomplex characterized by significant changes in human subsistence strategies, social organization, and technical innovations. Key evidence of these upheavals includes: stratified sites that were occupied for generations, with villages rebuilt in the same locations. Archaeologically, the increased frequency of hunting practices during the Gumelnita period is particularly evident in the intensive exploitation of red deer (Cervus elaphus Linnaeus, 1758), both as a source of food and as a raw osseous material for the manufacture of equipment. Our study explores this phenomenon along two dimensions: 1) Economic value: the analysis of cervid remains provides insights into hunting strategies, seasonality, methods of collecting antlers from the skull or the butchering patterns of animal carcasses. Zooarchaeological data also contribute to understanding how cervids were integrated into the diet and, more generally, into the economy; and 2) Technical use: the role of cervids in artifact production. We will study which anatomical elements of the skeleton were used (bones, teeth, antler) and which operational patterns were applied to them to produce which types of objects. A discussion will focus on the case of red deer canines that were not used directly but reproduced as adornments in other raw materials. Comparisons will be made between phases A2 and B1 of the Gumelnita culture, and case studies will consider finds from a series of important tell settlements from the Lower Danube.
The motif of the hind occupies the first place in parietal iconography in the Cantabrian Region during the earliest phases of the Upper Paleolithic (including the Lower Magdalenian). Two artistic forms are present: red stamp paintings in deep caves and more schematic engravings in daylight. At the same time, the hind is very rare on the French side of the border, indicating that exchange networks were virtually cut off between the two regions. Then, during the Middle Magdalenian, the doe declined sharply in favour of the bison, which became the dominant motif. This motif, imported from the Pyrenees, shows that exchange networks had been restored. These thematic variations are therefore a means of accessing cultural and social exchanges between groups of hunter-collectors. The doe may have been at the centre of their symbolic imagination for a time, but its sudden abandonment indicates profound ideological upheavals in their relationship with the world.
During the xvith and xviith centuries, the reports about Brazilian biodiversity were made mainly by chroniclers, military explorers and religious missionaries of various nationalities. Some reports included drawings representing the local fauna and flora. The xviith century manuscript History of Animals and Trees ofMaranh & atilde;o published under authorship of Friar Crist & oacute;v & atilde;o de Lisboa presents for the first time the association of the description with the depiction of a river dolphin in Brazil. Anterior papers related it to Inia geoffrensis (Blainville, 1817) with current distribution in the Amazon basin. At the beginning of this century, a new species Inia araguaiaensis Hrbek, Da Silva, Dutra, Gravena, Martin & Farias, 2014 was described from the Araguaia-Tocantins basin and Maraj & oacute; bay. A doubt arises about which species is related to the manuscript. The aims here were to identify the river dolphin described and depicted in the manuscript and to relate the manuscript and the identification of the river dolphin to the context of the production of the first reports on Brazilian biodiversity in the xvith and xviith centuries. Analyzing biological, geographic and historical data, we identify the river dolphin in the manuscript as Inia araguaiaensis. We consider that the manuscript History ofAnimals and Trees ofMaranh & atilde;o was ahead of its time in Brazil, since it contained, in addition to the textual descriptions of the species, 259 drawings representing the local biodiversity, of which almost half (116) referred to aquatic fauna. The large number of drawings denotes the importance given by the possible authors of the manuscript to the existence of images that represented this biodiversity in line with what was being produced in Europe. The manuscript, remained unknown until the xxth century, would considerably expand knowledge about the fauna and flora of Brazil in the xviith century.
Tigers (Panthera tigris Linnaeus, 1758) are rare in ancient art outside of India and Central Asia. In the Mediterranean world they were associated with the East, and all the danger and exoticism that it entailed, especially with the region of Hyrcania (modern Gorgan), on the southeastern coast of the Caspian Sea. In Iran itself they do not appear until the Sasanian Empire (c. 224-651 CE), and their appearance has been attributed to influence from Central Asia. However, a ceramic figurine of a tiger was excavated at Yarim Tepe in Golestan Province, Iran (in the region of Gorgan) in 1960. It is made of a ceramic fabric known to archaeologists as "Caspian Black-on-Red Ware", and based on type of pottery, and the tiger itself, likely dates to c. 3500 to 3100 BCE. This would make it among the oldest depictions of a tiger in the ancient world and certainly the earliest in Iran. Although the exact purpose of the figurine is unknown, it must have played a role in the identities of the people living at Yarim Tepe. As such, it stands at the head of a long line of images of tigers in later Iranian art and literature.
Data concerning the symbolic aspects and social uses of milk and dairy products were collected in the Ferlo region. This vast geographical area, classified as sylvopastoral zone, is located in the Sahelian part of Senegal. Since the climate crisis of the 1970s, which affected the Sahel countries, development and anti-desertification projects have been carried out there. The Ferlo population is predominantly Fulani, but some families are also Wolof or Moorish. Based on in-depth anthropological research (direct observations, semi-directive interviews), the author highlights the symbolic value, cosmetic and therapeutic virtues embodied by milk and its derivatives, according to the people he spoke to. This field study in the heart of the Senegalese Sahel reveals the persistence of ancient beliefs and practices related to the use of milk products, despite the social change underway in this area even before the advent of French colonization.
Theophrastus, Dioscorides and the secret jewel ofthe lynx: a new hypothesis about the lynguriums' identification. The present article analyses the main identifications about the lyngurium (amber/yellow tourmaline) and develops a new hypothesis inferred from both a reinterpretation of extracts from Theophrastus (Lap. V, 28-31; Frg. 362 A FSH & G) and echoes suggested by a thorough study of the botanical corpus. The lynx' stone would be a block of dry resin, but not fossilised, imported by routes similar to the amber ones, from areas where lynxes lived, and may contain some plants' residues. This hypothesis enables to explain the regular confusion with amber while reporting on the etiological narrative from which the lynx is tied to this stone. Furthermore, it could enlighten the text written by Dioscorides (MM 2, 31), who refers to a sort of "feathered" amber (lambda e kappa tau rho omicron v pi tau e rho upsilon gamma omicron phi rho omicron v, hapax).
Until now, the existence of active whaling in Antiquity has been widely accepted. However, this assertion is based on a misinterpretation of a single passage in Book V of the Halieutica of Oppian of Cilicia, which has been wrongly attributed to whaling. By examining the precise translation of this text and cross-referencing it with the other available textual, iconographic, and archaeozoological data, we propose to reconsider this interpretation using a historiographical, critical, and decidedly multidisciplinary approach. In particular, we show from the physical description of the animal and the technical details of fishing provided by Oppian that the poet more likely meant a large shark. We also address the contribution and limitations of the iconographic sources in this dossier, showing that the images handed down by the Ancients were much more imaginary and mythical representations of sea monsters than the reality. Finally, an overview of the archaeozoological data scattered along the Atlantic and Mediterranean coasts shows that the excavated cetacean remains can hardly be linked to active fishing practices, but are rather the result of accidental strandings.
The burial customs of the Han Dynasty (202 BC-220 AD) represent a fascinating evolution of ritual practices, building upon the Qin system and giving rise to a distinct funeral culture in Northwest China. One of the most notable features of this culture was the practice of animal burial, a powerful symbol of both the wealth and social hierarchy of the time. Beyond its social and economic implications, animal burial also offered a glimpse into the everyday lives, customs, and dietary habits of the Han people. During this period, the burial of real animals was complemented by the increasingly popular practice of depositing animal figurines, a unique feature of Han funerary rites. This study sets out to explore and dissect the animal burial customs in Liangzhou, a region rich in archaeological data, to provide a deeper understanding of the local funeral culture. By blending findings from archaeological excavations with historical texts, this research paints a vivid picture of the region's customs, the evolution of its economy, and its cultural exchanges with neighboring areas. Our findings reveal a striking transformation in the practice of animal burial across the Han dynasty. In the Western Han period, it was common to bury real animals, but by the Eastern Han period, this tradition gave way to the deposit of animal figurines. The species chosen for burial underwent a fascinating evolution: in the early Western Han dynasty, cattle, caprine (sheep and goat), and horses were the primary animals represented. However, over time, the range of species broadened to include dogs, chickens, ducks, and even the mythical unicorn. The figurines themselves were predominantly made from wood, with some crafted from talc or pottery-each material choice reflecting different symbolic and practical considerations. The animal burial practices of Liangzhou not only reveals the cultural fusion occurring in the region-where the influences of southern Chu culture, northern Xiongnu (Huns) culture, and the Central Plains all converged-but also relates to the economic landscape of the era. The rise of the manor economy during the Han dynasty is embedded within these burial practices, suggesting a deeper connection between funerary rites and the socioeconomic realities of the time.
In recent decades, human impacts on marine ecosystems have become more evident, shaping public perceptions and wildlife management practices. Marine mammals, often seen as charismatic and flagship species, attract attention due to their conservation status and frequent strandings. In Uruguay, where pinniped and cetacean strandings are common, public awareness and knowledge about stranding response is limited. Coastal citizens who use the coast as a recreational area, are often the first to detect a stranding, so their response (or lack of response), the reporting, and the quality of information mostly depend on them. To address this, a Stranding Network project was launched in 2018, focusing on outreach and data collection. Eight talks were held to educate the public and questionnaires were applied to attendees and to individuals who reported standings, aiming to understand their knowledge, perceptions and motivations and previous experiences with marine mammals. Results revealed that many attendees had limited prior knowledge but expressed strong interest in learning and participating in the network. Stranding informants, believe that strandings are due to natural causes, such as age or disease, and human activities. These events evoked a range of emotions in people: sadness, compassion, and disappointment towards human actions. However, knowledge gaps about appropriate stranding responses persist, with some individuals reporting actions that could pose risks to both, humans and animals. By evaluating public perceptions and stranding reports, the Stranding Network project aims to improve future communication strategies and activities to optimize response strategies for marine mammal strandings.
The present study is based on two observations: the presence of a type of Minoan vessel at Phaistos and Agia Triada, and the elephant tusks found in the storeroom of the Palace of Zakros, three sites in Crete. The examination of these objects allowed us to develop two hypotheses. The first concerns the cups called "grater", which include inside an element that served as rasp. The shape and surface of the rasp are surprisingly reminiscent of the outline and the design of the masticatory surface of elephant molars. This led us to revisit the fossil elephants of this island and to look for the degree of similarity between the elephant molars and the design of some rasps from Phaistos and Agia Triada, dating from c. 1800-1700 BC. The second hypothesis relates to the provenance of elephant ivory, used in Crete from c. 1600 BC to manufacture many precious objects (seals, plaques, figurines, statuettes, etc.), based on the raw elephant tusks found in a storeroom at Zakros, and dated to 1500-1450 BC. The morphological comparison of these tusks with those of fossil elephants from Crete and the extant species from Asia and Africa, as well as the examination of palaeontological, archaeological, iconographic and epigraphic data, allow us to suggest the attribution of the tusks of Zakros to Ele phas maximus Linnaeus, 1758 which lived in the Levant until around 1200 BC. This affinity would deserve to be supported by microstructural and isotopic analyses.
