Based on sources from the archives, newspapers of the time and published literature, the author in the article presents and analyses the activities of the authorities of Banal Croatia, as part of Austria-Hungary, related to the expected entry of Italy into World War I. In addition to Italian propaganda, espionage and irredentist activities, smuggling of confidential messages of anti-state content was noticed, as well as the use of fake passports. The authorities monitored the anti-Habsburg activities of South Slavic political emigration, and church representatives during their stay in Italy. After the outbreak of the war, Italian citizens were interned, and some of the refugees from the border war zone settled in Banal Croatia.
My research delves into the representation of female IB migrants through the lens of the Security Service and the monitoring of their movements. It sheds light on women who emigrated to Eastern European countries and, in some cases, returned to Yugoslavia. Using Secret Service documents, the paper will demonstrate surveillance practices towards both men and women, with a focus on enhancing those specific to women. Focusing on several women within the IB emigration, the study highlights their individual experiences, showcasing diverse backgrounds that were deemed significant by Yugoslav authorities despite perceived hostilities. While primarily focused on the period from 1948 to the mid-1950s, the research spans geographically across the USSR, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary. This article seeks to enhance migration and gender studies by providing insights into women's experiences within the IB emigration, emphasizing key moments within them.
The author analyzes the impact of the Thirty Years War on the ecclesiastical policies of the Vienna Court in the Military Frontier, particularly in relation to the Roman Curia’s plans to support the ecclesiastical union of Orthodox Frontiersmen (“Vlachs”) with the Catholic Church. He emphesises the role of the bishops of Zagreb bishopric and representatives of the Roman Curia in this process, and describes the reactions of Orthodox Frontiersmen (“Vlachs”) and Habsburg military authorities to the proposals made by Catholic representatives.
The structure of the science and mathematics teaching staff at the Faculty of Philosophy in Zagreb in the period 1875-1900 is well known. However, the accounts of that structure lack a comparative analysis that would show whether it met the university standards of the time. The aim of this paper is to satisfy the prerequisite for such an analysis: to explicate the more general status of the Faculty of Philosophy in Zagreb in an appropriate context. The narrowest appropriate context is the universities in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, and the position of the Faculty among them is considered with regard to the number of students, the total number of professors and private docents, and the number of science and mathematics professors and private docents. These considerations form the background against which it will be possible to interpret the results of the comparative analysis as parts of a meaningful whole. At the same time they show that the Faculty of Philosophy in Zagreb was, on average, the smallest faculty of philosophy in the Monarchy in terms of the total number of professors and the number of science and mathematics professors. It was one of the two smallest faculties of philosophy in terms of the number of full-time students and one of the three smallest in terms of the total number of private docents. Regarding the number of science and mathematics private docents, during the second half of the period under consideration it ranked amongst the medium-sized Austro-Hungarian faculties of philosophy.
This research combines both qualitative and quantitative approach of historical network analysis to analyse, visualize, and interpret selected letters from the corpus of correspondence of Ivan Kukuljević Sakcinski, representing practices of favouritism (cronyism, patronage, and nepotism). The forms of favouritism are observed as a practice, by applying concepts from the social ontology of Theodore Schatzki. The analysis has shown that all periods of peak favouritism correspond with Kukuljević’s political positions and power, as well as with his social capital manifested through his relationship with Viceroy Ivan Mažuranić. The analysis also highlights the significance of the Society for Yugoslavian History as a central node that gathered most petitioners during its period of greatest activity. A close analysis of two series of letters – between Ivan Kukuljević Sakcinski and Ivan Mažuranić, and between Kukuljević and Marija Jambrišak – reveals a vivid practice of cronyism, nepotism, and reciprocity, and an evolving personal relationship between a patron and his protégé.
This paper deals with Srpska banka d.d. Zagreb organisation and business along with its management body members in the period of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. It adopts an institutional history perspective and is based on archival resources. Regarding its business it is presented within the context of both the domestic and international economic situation. This research study provides an analysis from the period of the bank’s foundation in 1895 until the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in 1918. The organisation of Srpska banka, as well as other financial institutions in the Hungarian part of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, was regulated by the Trgovački zakon (Commercial Act) of 1875 and the Obrtni zakon (Law on Craft Activities) of 1884. Srpska banka was among the most significant banks in the Kingdom of Croatia and Slavonia in terms of shareholders’ equity and financial performance. Furthermore, it was the most important bank of the Serbs in the territory of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. It started its business with shareholders’ equity of 1,530,000 forints i.e. 3,060,000 kronas, and by the time of the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in 1918 its shareholders’ equity had grown to 12,750,000 kronas. Even during World War I, the bank managed to maintain its financial stability. By 1918, Srpska banka had established two subsidiaries: one in Budapest (founded in 1903) and another in Novi Sad (founded in 1914).
This paper examines the construction and spatial development of the Old Dubrovnik Hospital from its founding in 1888 until its relocation to Medarevo. Based on archival sources, contemporary newspapers, and official documentation, the study traces the evolution of the hospital’s facilities, focusing on expansions, modifications, and adaptations to growing medical needs. The analysis highlights key phases of infrastructural investment and spatial reorganization, situating these within the broader socio-economic context of Dubrovnik in the late 19th and 20th centuries. This research contributes to a better understanding of the material and spatial history of healthcare institutions in Dubrovnik.
Based on relevant literature, émigré press and unprocessed archival material, this paper analyses the hitherto unexplored activities of the Croatian Liberation Movement (CLM) at the congresses of the World Anti-Communist League (WACL) from its membership in 1970 to the recognition of Croatia as a member nation in 1975. CLM focused its activities on familiarizing the international public with the Croatian question and its solution in the form of an independent Croatian state outside the Yugoslav framework, discrediting Yugoslavia, its communist system and dictatorship, and the policy of non-alignment. The key allies of the CLM were Ukrainian emigrants from the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN), through which they entered the WACL. The problem for the CLM was the Ustasha heritage, which then became a means of discrediting the WACL. The aim of this paper is to contribute to the research of the Cold War activities of Croatian political emigration (CPE) in international anti-communist organizations.
The aim of this paper is to explore the relationship between the Građanski nogometni klub Dinamo – GNK Dinamo (Dinamo Citizens' Football Club) and the First Croatian Citizens' Sports Club (I. HŠK Gradjanski) and the perception that followed this relationship in the first international matches after the Second World War in printed news outlets outside Yugoslavia. Given the official claims of its leaders, in the first few years after Dinamo was founded in 1945, there are many interesting aspects of the club's perception in neighbouring countries that were familiar with the interwar Zagreb football clubs and football players who played for them. The paper will mostly cover Austrian, Hungarian and Romanian newspaper sources, but it will also try to present other available sources relevant to the subject topic.
Cet article explore le rapport entre le christianisme primitif (Iᵉʳ-IVᵉ siècle)et la mythologie gréco-romaine, en s’appuyant sur l’analyse des stratégiespolémiques de penseurs chrétiens tels que Justin Martyr, Origène et Clé-ment d’Alexandrie. Bien que les récits fondateurs de la foi chrétienne aientémergé dans un monde culturellement marqué par l’hellénisme et l’influence romaine, ces auteurs ont cherché à définir l’identité chrétienne enopposition aux traditions mythologiques gréco-romaines. L’article s’ouvrepar une réflexion théorique sur la nature et les fonctions du mythe dans lessociétés anciennes, en mobilisant les approches de Mircea Eliade et JosephCampbell pour mieux saisir le rapport entre mythe, histoire et identitéreligieuse. Il examine comment les notions de mythos et logos ont évoluéau sein de la pensée gréco-romaine et comment ces concepts ont été ré-appropriés par les intellectuels chrétiens pour affirmer la supériorité de larévélation biblique. Le rejet des mythes gréco-romains par le christianismeprimitif n’était pas uniquement une position théologique, mais égalementune stratégie visant à délégitimer les cadres religieux et culturels qui dominaient l’Empire romain. En analysant les dimensions théologiques, sociales et politiques de ce discours anti-mythologique, cet article contribueà une meilleure compréhension des processus d’autodéfinition et de diffé-renciation culturelle qui ont façonné l’identité chrétienne dans l’Antiquitétardive.
Après la création du Royaume des Serbes, Croates et Slovènes en décembre 1918 le président du Parti paysan croate Stjepan Radić devint le leader du mouvement national croate. Confronté à l’échec de sa politique obstructionniste, sans aide substantielle d’une puissance étrangère pour « affranchir le peuple croate » de la « tyrannie serbe », mis en prison pour avoir « conspiré avec les Soviets », en juillet 1925 il accepta finalement de coopérer avec « Belgrade », notamment avec ennemi politique et geôlier Nikola Pašić, le chef du Parti radical national. Arriver à une « paix » entre Croates et Serbes et consolider le royaume balkanique allié, ce fut également le souhait de la France officielle, dont le président du Conseil Édouard Herriot n’avait pas manqué d’user de son influence au sein de la presse de gauche pour promouvoir cette idée. Radić abandonna alors sa politique obstructionniste, reconnut la Constitution centralisatrice du Vidovdan, abjura le républicanisme, leva son opposition au service militaire, et entra même au gouvernement de Pašić comme ministre de l’Instruction publique. Cependant, ainsi Radić se révéla encore plus dangereux pour la caste politico-militaire serbe. Car non seulement le « trublion croate » gênait le fonctionnement du gouvernement, mais, au surplus, il tâchait d’élargir sa base électorale majoritairement paysanne aux dépens de celle de ses « partenaires » radicaux. En avril 1926, il fut invité à se retirer du ministère, et en janvier 1927 il mit fin à la coopération avec le Parti national radical. Son échec de s’implanter en Vieille Serbie l’amena à s’allier à un autre ancien ennemi mortel, Svetozar Pribićević, l’énergique Serbe ex-habsbourgeois, avec lequel il forma, en novembre 1927, la Coalition démocrate paysanne (SDK), formation qui regroupait la majorité des Croates et des Serbes de l’ancien royaume triunitaire. Le nouveau bloc des prečani fut la plus dangereuse force d’opposition dans la courte histoire du royaume, et il n’est guère surprenant que le roi Alexandre s’efforçât de le briser à tout prix.
This article describes the visit of Mikhail Gorbachev, General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, to the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in March 1988. Gorbachev spent five days in Yugoslavia, during which he visited three of its socialist republics. The introductory chapters provide an overview of the history of Soviet-Yugoslav relations, with a special focus on the period immediately preceding the visit, as well as a brief description of Gorbachev’s reforms and the international political situation of that period. The historical context of the visit and its various aspects and representations in the Soviet and Yugoslav press are analysed in the following chapters, with a detailed itinerary also being included. Special attention is given to various speeches by both the Soviet and Yugoslav functionaries, especially Gorbachev’s speech in the Assembly of the SFRY as well as the Soviet-Yugoslav Declaration. Finally, a brief overview of the reactions to the visit and its consequences is presented.
This work presents the issue of the Croatian policies towards Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) from 1990 to 1996. In regard to the sources required to form an understanding of and being able to contextualize the Croatian policies towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is important to single out the contents of the meeting held in the Office of the President of Croatia on May 11, 1993. On that occasion, President Tuđman spoke about “the problems relating to the Croatian-Muslim conflicts in Bosnia”, about continued existence of Bosnia and Herzegovina and about Bosnia and Herzegovina’s internal system of governance. The meeting was closed to the public and was held immediately after the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (ARBiH) had launched an attack on the Croatian Defense Council (HVO) in Mostar. In the concluding segment of this work key facts about the role of the Republic of Croatia and Croats in the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina are laid out in chronological order. These facts should not be ignored in scholarly analyses about the Croatian policies towards Bosnia and Herzegovina during the period under discussion.
The paper examines disciplining students in the conditions of the so-called old school practice. It is based on the analysis of primary and secondary sources, as well as available pedagogical documentation and literature of the subjected era: school laws and regulations, teaching and disciplinary levels, regulations, orders and instructions. The old school was temporally determined by relevant factors and characteristics. The connection between the social environment has been established: state-political organisation, economic status and orientation, social value systems, school system and circumstances with student discipline strategies. In school practice of the old schools repressive and incentive disciplinary strategies are identified and analysed. The following forms have been identified in the area of repressive educational strategy: emotional inconveniences, deprivation of mental pleasures, social isolation and various forms of corporal punishment. According to the school regulations of the time, the following corporal punishment was granted: standing behind or next to the desk, kneeling, flogging with a prescribed stick on the palms. However, the following unlawful corporal punishments were also recorded in school practice: standing on one leg, kneeling on bare knees on grains of food or sand, hitting with a club, ruler, book; slapping, hear or ear pulling, kicking with a leg, throwing to the ground. Incentive educational strategy was based on evoking emotional comfort and was realised through praise, recognition and awards. Praises were oral and written, and recognitions were awarded in the form of diplomas or different types of medals. The awards were also material: money, clothes and footwear, items of use value, books and school supplies. Also, the results of the research show that in imposing repressive and incentive measures, the following general educational principles were recommended: gradualness, appropriateness, consistency, impartiality, justification and openness (if a repressive measure yields results, it should be annulated). The identified and described strategies of school disciplining should be viewed within the described social, political, economic framework, as well as the then school opportunities and school system. However, it is significant that the recommended educational principles in imposing disciplinary measures also have elements of modernity.
This paper examines the role of Franjo Tuđman, President of the Republic of Croatia, in the establishment of Croatian communities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The thesis posited is that, through his political views, Tuđman had a decisive influence on the founding of the Croatian Community of Herzeg-Bosnia and its policies. The establishment of this community took place within the broader framework of Tuđman’s thoughts on how to resolve the Yugoslav crisis or the relationship between Croatia and Serbia.
On August 19, 1991, during the Greater-Serbian aggression on Croatia, two explosive devices were set and activated at the door of the Jewish Community Center and in the Jewish section of Cemetery Mirogoj in Zagreb. The terrorist act was a false-flag operation, later called Labrador, performed by the Yugoslav People’s Army Counter-intelligence service, with aim of accusing Croatia of increased antisemitism and portraying Croatian authorities as “pro-fascist”. Croatian leadership strongly condemned the attack. They also expressed their solidarity and support for the Jewish community in Croatia by organizing and attending a protest rally.
Der vorliegende Beitrag beleuchtet die Hintergründe der Entstehung des Deutschen und Oesterreichischen Alpenvereins (DuOeAV), seine Struktur und Tätigkeiten und gibt einen kurzen Überblick über seine Sektionen auf die mit Slowenen besiedelten Gebiete. Er deckte nicht nur einen großen Teil des heutigen europäischen Raumes ab und hinterließ tiefe Spuren in der Alpenwelt. Der Verein, der aus dem Wunsch heraus gegründet wurde, die Alpenwelt den Menschen so nahe wie möglich zu bringen, blieb zumindest bis zum Ersten Weltkrieg dieser “alpinen” Sache treu. Der Anschluss Österreichs an Deutschland im Jahr 1938 dagegen führte zu seiner Umbenennung in Deutschen Alpenverein, was auch der Anfang vom Ende des Vereins und einen endgültigen Bruch mit diesem Standpunkt war. Seitdem diente er als Instrument der großdeutschen Politik zur Unterstützung der nationalsozialistischen Ideologie. Der Beitrag basiert auf einem Studium der Quellen des Vereins, insbesondere ihres wichtigsten Mitteilungsblattes Mitteilungen des Deutschen und Oesterreichischen Alpenvereins und der Zeitungen jener Zeit. In diesem Zusammenhang sind vor allem die lokalen Zeitungen zu erwähnen, insbesondere die des damaligen slowenischen Raumes.
In the last decade a number of serial sources were processed by several research groups separately for the Medieval, Ottoman and Early Modern periods in Hungary. However, the structure of these allow them both to be integrated to each other and be visualized on maps with the aid of GIS-techniques. The character of these integrated databases thus allow researchers (1) to map and investigate territorial patterns, regional inequalities of different scale, (2) the temporal changes in territorial patterns and (3) to run multivariate statistics on bulk data. The success of the GISta Hungarorum in Hungary (www.gistory.hu, http://gistahungarorum.abtk.hu ) drove the different research groups to unify their forces and create a longue-durée, fine-resolution (settlement or parish-level) database for the Kingdom of Hungary (1330-2010) in order to analyze history from a different perspective and to help regional planning by assessing path dependency, drawing optimal landuse, etc. Furthermore, broadening the cooperation the investigation area was extended to Croatia for several time horizons to be processed in the future with the aid of Croatian colleagues involved in Hungarian projects (1330, 1500, Ottoman period, 1780s). This article of methodological focus introduces the first results of the joint work on Croatian examples – with the aim of giving a new perspective in historical geography and historical statistics.
This paper presents different aspects of regulating parliamentary debate in the second half of the 19th century in the Croatian Parliament (Sabor) and other parliaments in a comparative discourse. This includes parliament's constituent session, preparation and course of parliamentary debate, MPs’ motions and interpellations, MPs’ freedom of speech, voting and adoption of conclusions. The analysis will be based on a comparison of the rules of procedure of the Croatian Parliament (1861-1918), the 1848 Frankfurt National Assembly (Frankfurter Nationalversammlung), the 1848 Imperial Diet in Vienna (Reichstag), the Imperial Council (Reichsrat), the Hungarian Parliament and parliaments of some German lands in the second half of the 19th century as well as a collection of precedents serving as a basis for the operation of the British Parliament (the so-called Westminster procedure) and the rules of the United States Congress. Moreover, acceptance and modification of individual aspects of the Westminster procedure or provisions in the procedural rules of other countries will be presented as examples suggesting that the transfer of ideas and practices in parliamentarianism in Croatia and other European countries in the 19th century should be viewed through the prism of multidirectional influence and creative receptions.
The reform of elementary education, which was implemented by Ban Ivan Mažuranić, was one of the most important reforms in the second half of the 19th century. Together with Ban Ivan Mažuranić, Ivan Filipović was one of the key people who prepared and implemented the school reform. In this paper I will show how Ivan Filipović, and his colleagues contributed to implementation of the school reform which started in 1870’s and enabled development of the modern education system in Croatia.
