The current planetary crisis of climate change or global warming provokes a variety of responses in individuals, groups and governments, ranging from denial, estrangement and indifference to a spirit of commitment and activism in various forms and degrees. These answers saturate our sense of the present. Alan Weisman's bestselling book, The World Without Us, proposes a mental experiment as a way of making experiences about our present: "Suppose the worst has happened. Human extinction is a fait accomplished... let us imagine a world from which we have suddenly disappeared... could we have left some scarcely visible or lasting marks in the universe?... is it possible that this world without us will miss us in spite of giving a biological relief?". I am attracted to Weisman's experiment in the way that demonstrates how the current crisis can precipitate a sense of the present that disconnects the future from the past and places it beyond the reach of historical sensibility.
The process is time framed in four historical moments that goes from the conformation of the indigenous thoughts about the territory, through the territorial implications of the process of conquest and the later conformation of the Republic, until arriving at the current moment, called by the factors that today hold political power in Venezuela, such as Fifth Republic and Socialism of the XXI Century. Finally, as a political response from the indigenous people threatened in their territories, it is proposed the need of the emerge of a collective we, beyond political ideologies ("right" and "left"), from below, in defense of the Orinoco as the heart of water that guarantees the future life of all of us.
This article contributes with a conceptual definition that supports the empirical investigation of neoliberalism, understood as a global phenomenon, dynamic, unfinished and multicentric, through a critical analysis of neoliberal theory. It begins by addressing the main conceptual difficulties, arguing in favor of the use of term neoliberalization. Then, it addresses the recent neoliberalization process in Latin America and the transnational relations established by his economists, as arguments to quit the notion of "neoliberal laboratory". Finally, the conceptual proposal is exposed according to the path traveled, relating theoretical and historical aspects, and highlighting the role of the peripheries.
In the introductory remarks with which the work begins, the conception of intercultural philosophy is explained as a philosophy that not only looks at the "horror of bad coexistence" of bad humanity in the current world, but assumes its responsibility in the face of such horror and tries to contribute To the change. How? This is what is explained in the second section which summarizes some of the proposals of intercultural philosophy for better coexistence of humanity in today's world. The work closes with a brief final reflection in which the commitment of the intellectuals with a peace policy is directly addressed.
The essential aim of this study is to discuss the most important features of the "Washington Consensus" or neoliberal policies, and its main repercussions in the social and economic spheres. This article presents a critical view of the neoliberal measures that have increased inequality, and have resulted in less effective mechanisms to achieve economic and political inclusion within the context of updated social conditions. The political support for conception, implementation and assessment of the "Washington Consensus" has being instituted in the wellbeing and better living conditions of the more powerful social groups. Relationships of neoliberalism and globalization are discussed here as well. Rescue of public sphere and competences and a more active role of inclusive institutions are part of the conclusions and final considerations of this study.
Far beyond Simone's warnings, the epistemologies of the South are a theoretical body that allows us to think, in a critically different way, about the construction, not only social but also potentially colonial, of the concept of 'woman' and therefore, the emancipation of women. This article has a double goal. Firstly, it is to question feminisms through the concepts of the abyssal line and of 'subaltern, insurgent cosmopolitanism'. The second is to analyse an episode of misogynistic emergency which occurred in Mozambique in 2016 and the resistance and feminist solidarity that followed by exerting a post-colonial feminist imagination. My methodological approach is based on the analysis of women's narratives obtained in interviews, journalism pieces and social networks.
An interpretation of the philosophical thought of Alvaro Marquez-Fernandez is presented in this essay. The idea is to analyze from his work the counter-hegemonic criterion that the people in Latin America demands against the permanence of the liberal and modern state. It is assumed that the epistemological alternatives to the universal and technical sense of the political exercise is one of the most outstanding projects of the philosopher's work. So that, his thinking about a citizenship which is constructed from the public consciousness concerning the cultural particularities is pertinent for the Latin American philosophical discussion. The emancipation role stated by Marquez Fernandez allows to build a sense of the philosophy in a practical and contextual manner, which is formed starting from intersubjective processes and aims to the citizen coexistence in the intercultural spaces. This research appeals to a hermeneutic analysis based on the bibliographic and documentary review of the author.
This article analyses, first, the consequences that has the employ of the metaphor of the "stage" to comprehend the political dynamic in The Class Struggles in France and The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte of Marx. More specifically, it studies four questions: the entrance and the exit of actors, the reconfiguration of the stage caused by these movements and by the constitution of alliance blocks, the impact of the architecture of the stage, and the fight for signify the process and specific political events. Second, the article analyses the contradictory appraisals of the stage of a "parliamentary republic" that these texts have.
The Aurora Magazine was one of the discursive devices with which the ideological struggle for the cultural hegemony in Chile was disputed and was, in addition, the intraparty space where a concept of the political was theoretically disputed. In the Aurora Magazine a conceptual and political discussion directed by a double purpose was staged: within the sensibility and the partisan institutionalism, a Gramsci theoretical intervention was put into effect in the Leninist conception of the party. More broadly, in the political-social field of the country, it was the delineation of a cultural policy that disputed the ideological hegemony to the social-Christian tradition.
From a methodological perspective of the discipline of the history of the philosophical and political ideas discussed some of the main thoughts of representatives of Latin American thought on dialectic interdependence between peace and culture. The predominance of certain "practical humanism" trend is based on these ideas articulated the positions as "organic intellectuals" who have informed them. Peace conditions typically conducive to the development of culture. Mutually conducive to the promotion of the culture, particularly the culture of peace, as conflicts not of resolved violently.
This article addresses the reflection on the Anthropocene and its implications on the meanings of political and civilizational alternatives. Although the approach is based on global changes such as climate change and the unsustainability of dominant production/consumption and energy models, where culture and subjectivity are paramount, it emphasizes the analysis from the experience of a country/territory like Bolivia that the new century begins with an inspiring state narrative to face global changes from the perspective of the rights of nature and good living but which ends up replicating and deepening the predominant dispossession model of the 20th century. From there, the article intends to reflect on the dynamics of accommodation/resistance/resignification from the advance of the "hypertextractivist" border that expands disproportionately in the territories of Bolivia.
This paper offers an overview of the genesis, nature and historical significance of the crisis of public life in early 21st century Mexico. The analysis begins by recognizing a historical context where many areas of the Mexican territory lie beyond state control, and where a number of counterpowers challenge and dispute the state's legitimate monopoly of force and hegemony. The paper characterizes the evolution of public life in 20th century Mexico and briefly compares recent transformations in this sphere with similar developments taking place in other parts of the globe. The paper goes on to argue that the erosion of public life and its attendant crisis of civic culture have as their background the deep-rooted social inequalities and the conditions of underdevelopment that characterize Mexican reality. In turn, underdevelopment and inequality are expressed, and deepened, by the fragility of Mexican institutions and the Mexican state's state of crisis. Thus, the paper seeks to apprehend the interconnections between public life, state fragmentation, and the development/underdevelopment dialectic in early 21st century Mexico.
Why do systems of domination and praxis of emancipation achieve legitimizing efficacy when they manage to disrupt subjectivity as a nucleus of imaginary, expectations and collective passions? The text asks about the practical function of myths, the ways of understanding the senses of history and the political power of collective desires. This problem is studied from the theoretical production of some Latin American thinkers, among them Franz Hinkelammert. We postulate that there is no possible emancipation without their desire, nor without a myth that encourages criticism of the determinist conceptions of history.
The prevailing neoliberal dynamics against the background of the global crisis, have generated local counterpowers that bets on cooperative, horizontal and participatory logics from below. These logics, have crystallized in the institutional assault throughout the municipalist processes improved by Social Movements, allowing us to place them in the realm of the Epistemologies of the South. The main aim of this article is to present some clues and challenges for the formation of a Cosmopolitan Municipalism based on translations between knowledge and practices with convergent concerns, although expressed from different universes of meaning. Thus, the article reflects on the axes of articulation that can be considered part of a policy of translocal and intersectional translation broader around the common.
