This essay explores the & laquo;moment & raquo; of Italian Fascism and the mobility of fascist models between 1919 and 1933. It emphasizes practices, exchanges, adaptations, and hybridizations linking Fascist Italy and Kemalist Turkey. By analyzing political, institutional, and cultural transfers, it argues that fascism functioned as an unavoidable paradigm for Kemalism, revealing a significant proximity between the two regimes.
The essay surveys key historiographical trends on organized Pan-Africanism, using W.E.B. Du Bois's Pan-African Congresses and Marcus Garvey's Unia as a privileged vantage point. It traces three phases: early narratives produced by activists and leaders; wide-ranging syntheses produced during decolonization and its aftermath; and recent scholarship that adopts a smaller analytical scale to explore underexamined networks, grassroots actors, and transnational circulations. The essay highlights how changing analytical scales have reshaped interpretations of Pan-Africanism.
The essay presents a wide-ranging historical exploration of terrestrial borders, later extending to maritime frontiers, from antiquity to the contemporary world. It examines how boundaries have been marked, administered, celebrated and contested, and how they have shaped, and been shaped by, political authority, local practice, migration, memory and monument. Tracing both continuities and significant transformations, it illuminates the enduring material, legal and imaginative power of borders and the evolving perceptions of the borderlands they create.
& laquo;Cancel cultured has become a key yet deeply contested notion in contemporary culture wars, mobilizing history, memory, and identity in political struggles over the present. This roundtable brings together Valeria Deplano, Giovanni Orsina, Deborah Paci, and Silvana Patriarca to discuss & laquo;Cancel cultured as a historical and historiographical problem, examining its genealogy, its uses in public history, and its implications for historical method. Moving between Us and Italian debates, the discussion reflects on moralization, presentism, and the evolving relationship between past and present.
Historian Susan Nance describes animal history as a hot and controversial field. This essay reviews its literature, methods, challenges, and potential for further development. Since the 1980s the study of animal history has grown rapidly, particularly in the English-speaking world, and is now positioned between historical research and animal studies. The field examines animals as subjects and agents who have shaped human societies. Key challenges facing the field include the identification of sources, the development of methodologies, and the definition of animal agency. Historians address these challenges by distinguishing subjectivity from agency and recognizing human-animal collaboration, thereby demonstrating that animals are more than mere objects of human exploitation.
The article will deal with the fate of the Jews of Austrian Eastern Galicia-whose most important centre was L'viv-currently in Ukraine-in the period 1867-1914, the most positive in the history of the Jews of that region, since they enjoyed the benefits of Habsburg policy towards ethnic and religious minorities, albeit within the limits of imperial thinking which sought to maintain the unity of the dynastic whole. In particular, the analysis focuses on the dynamics occurring between Jews, Ruthenians/ Ukrainians and Poles, especially regarding the birth of the main political formations.
The Societ & agrave; antischiavista d'Italia, under the directorship of Propaganda Fide, wielded considerable influence over the Italian public debate. Thanks to a highly active Catholic laity, the late 19th and early 20th centuries witnessed Italian missionary endeavours gaining considerable public prominence, interwoven with the laity's intricate relation with colonial expansion and the global experiences of Italian migration. Hence, this analysis also considers the work of the Associazione Nazionale per soccorrere i missionari italiani, exploring the dissemination of Italian Catholic antislavery during this era, and linking it to the emergence of humanitarianism and the resurgence of Catholic missionary engagement.
The Holy See's attitude towards Jewish people, and more generally towards non-Aryans, during the Second World War is the subject of profound historiographical debate. The opening of the Vatican archives marked a crucial turning point in studies, offering new insights. This article traces the evolution of the historiography and suggests a periodization that puts the different interpretative orientations on the spotlight and the related methodological approaches. The newly available documentation has spurred new research perspectives and more nuanced interpretations, which are the current focus of historiographical analysis.
The Organisation of Yugoslav Nationalists (Orjuna) was a radical, ultra-nationalist political movement active in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes during the 1920s. Orjuna's ideology promoted integral Yugoslavism, and it aimed to create an authoritarian, centralised state, countering any separatist tendencies through paramilitary groups. Although influenced by traditional right-wing conservatism and modern fascist ideas, Orjuna's radical nationalism developed within the specific Yugoslav and Balkan context. The disintegration of multinational imperial structures imposed a search for answers and solutions to the disorder arising from these events.
The article outlines the reactions aroused by Cavour's death in June 1861. The reception of the event in a broad context emphasises the degree of involvement of public opinion towards the Italian unification movement. We dwell on some central themes discussed by the press, where the debate on the Risorgimento reflected the clash between liberal, revolutionary and conservative instances. The condolences for the death exhibited the adhesions of the liberal-moderate and the attacks by the reactionaries; however, the presumed exceptionality of the statesman mitigated in several cases the judgments of the harshest detractors.
The findings of several recent lines of historical research-which have posed new questions to the archival sources now available in order to account for the << laboratory >> that Rome constituted as it accompanied the birth of the resistance movement between September 1943 and June 1944-converge with methodological approaches that emphasize the role played by multiple actors in the various forms of << resistance >> to the Nazi-Fascist occupation. Together, they prompt a renewal of the substantial historiographical effort aimed at understanding the transition from the Fascist totalitarian project to republican democracy in Italy.
Long-standing aversion by historians has dogged the Aventino antifascist opposition for its parliamentary abstentionism, which prevented the fall of Mussolini's government in the crisis of fascism opened by the Matteotti murder. The round table aims to reconsider the political as well as the moral dimension of the Aventino secession and also highlight its legacies in a long-term historical perspective.
This essay focuses on the projects for reforming Article 5 of the Albertine Statute that were presented in the Italian Parliament after the First World War. The manner in which Italy entered the Great War led Prime Ministers Nitti and Giolitti to present bills that would refer the ultimate decision for declaring war to the power of Parliament. Neither bill was approved, however: Nitti's due to the fall of the Government, Giolitti's due to the covert resistance that Victor Emmanuel III undoubtedly adopted in scuttling the measure.
The aim of this essay is to reconstruct the debate that developed in the second half of the 19th century in Belgium on the issue of proportional voting. In an era in which the advent of parties (especially the socialists) and extension of the vote opened the way for increasingly << mass >> politics in Europe, the Catholics and Liberals of Brussels found themselves in the uncomfortable position of having to accept a change in the electoral system to ensure their own survival in face of modernity and its challenges as taken up by an increasingly restless reformist front.
The article reconstructs the political biography of Mario Fabini in the ranks of the Italian Communist Party between 1929 and 1946. Through published and unpublished sources, his first clandestine actions in Empoli in the late 1920s, his period of exile in France and the Ussr, and his clandestine propaganda actions in Italy in the early 1930s are investigated. After a nine-year imprisonment, Fabiani's role in the Resistance allowed him to reach the position of deputy mayor of Florence and, in 1946, to be elected the city's first mayor in the Republican era. His biography reveals the figure of an atypical communist, far from the model of communism proposed by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Pcus) and a staunch defender of individual freedom of choice and democracy.
This essay examines the political significance of the << public >> within the US social, legal and political sciences during the transition from the nineteenth to the twentieth century. The concept is analysed against a backdrop of social conflict and political crisis, within which << the public >> is invoked in two apparently contradictory senses: sometimes it suggests a subject coextensive with the political community; at others it is seen as a distinct segment of society onto which ideals of moderation and reasonableness are projected. This aspect is explored across a range of disciplinary fields, with a particular focus on the efforts of the social, legal and political sciences to establish the presence of the public as a principle of social order.
During the last quarter of a century a wide and stimulating debate around the foreign policy of the Russian Federation has involved historians and IR specialists, and has been further fuelled by the Russian-Ukrainian conflict which broke out in 2014 and culminated in the present war. This article, mainly devoted to the scientific literature in English, focuses on some significant aspects of this debate: points of difference and agreement among realist, liberal and constructivist approaches; Russia's return to Great Power politics; the various periodization criteria adopted by scholars; the usefulness of imperial categories to describe Russia's attitude on the international scene in the 21st century; the geopolitical vectors of Russian foreign policy past and present.
In July 1964, Italy faced a political crisis with the collapse of Moro's first centre-left government and the security plan known as Piano Solo. Mario Segni's recent book disputes the idea of an attempted coup, framing the events as a security precaution and political disagreement. The article revisits the period, highlighting the complexity of the situation and its historical implications.
The article aims to place Wilsonianism in the context of political theory. Wilsonianism has generally been linked to an idealistic vision of international relations, and this is the line taken by various authors, from Carl Schmitt to Henry Kissinger, in their berry, have drawn on this by way of defending how the United States' performance on the global stage. Wilson's academic works did not formulate any coherent theoretical vision of peace, war, and international relations. Historiography reveals a more nuanced picture that emerges from the theoretical paradigm of Wilsonianism. The article particularly delves into how, in pivotal foreign policy decisions, Wilson was guided by realistic considerations, focusing on the role of states and the balance of power.
