A near-complete plaster plaque with a moulded cross was found inside the compound of a cell on S & imacr;r Ban & imacr; Y & amacr;s Island, UAE, part of a dispersed monastic landscape dated to ca. sixth-eighth centuries. Based on radiocarbon and material culture data, the plaque appears to have been made before the mid-sixth century. Substantial quantities of stucco have been found at the church before, but this plaque is the first piece of decorated plaster from the dispersed monastery. Several decorative elements can be compared with similar objects from the Gulf and Mesopotamia, and from further afield in India, Central Asia and China. They could be read in multiple ways by Christians in a Late Sasanian or immediately post-Sasanian context, adding up to two complementary interpretations of the cross plaque: on the one hand, a symbol of Christ's passion and death and, on the other hand, of his glory and kingship. The first set of meanings is expressed primarily through a visual language rooted in Christianity; the latter draws on elements from royal Sasanian iconography. Additionally, the plaque preserves evidence for private worship at the dispersed monastery congruent with prayer practice described in Syriac sources.
Poor preservation of organic material at Bahra-1 required expanding archaeobotanical analysis beyond sediments to plant impressions in pottery. The examined sediments yielded only a few biomineralized Boraginaceae seeds, whereas examination of locally made Coarse Red Ware (CRW) and imported Ubaid pottery significantly broadened the Neolithic plant dataset. Almost all CRW contained temper composed of wild plants, while plant inclusions in Ubaid pottery appeared mainly in thicker-walled vessels. Chaff of cultivated barley (Hordeum vulgare) and einkorn wheat (Triticum monococcum), along with additional cereal-derived straw, was identified in the imported pottery clay, providing some of the earliest evidence for domesticated plants' use in Eastern Arabia. Local ceramics, by contrast, contained only wild plant remains, likely originating from herbivore dung or wind-accumulated debris. Together, wild plant impressions in local pottery (Poaceae, Asteraceae, etc.) and Boraginaceae seeds from sediments illuminate the composition of local desert flora and offer new insights into Neolithic environments and ceramic technology in the region.
While oasis settlements emerged during the Bronze Age in Eastern and Northern Arabia, the settlement process in Central Arabia was different. Excavations at al-Yam & amacr;ma-main ancient settlement of the al-Kharj oasis (Riyadh Province, KSA)-suggest that the latter did not emerge before the second half of the first millennium BCE. This late appearance has also been documented at a regional scale in areas of Buraydah, Mar & amacr;t, Layl & agrave;-Aflaj and Qaryat al-F & amacr;w. Archaeozoological and archaeobotanical data carried out at al-Yam & amacr;ma suggest marginal evolutions in husbandry and crops patterns in the al-Kharj oasis despite its long occupation (fifth cent. BCE-early nineteenth cent. CE), showing scant diversification of domesticated species, with a predominance through time of camel/caprine and date palm/cereals. It is not until the Late Islamic period that new species-chicken, cattle, sorghum and cotton-indicate a stronger diversification of the al-Kharj agrarian economy in an era of greater integration into vast trade networks.
The oasis of al-H & amacr;'it, located in H & amacr;'il Province (Saudi Arabia), has long remained understudied despite its strategic position along the eastern Harrat Khaybar caravan route. A 2024 joint Saudi-French archaeological reconnaissance revealed multi-period occupations spanning the Neolithic to the Islamic era, including probable Bronze Age settlements and walled oasis, an Iron Age rock relief and building, traces of a potential Nabataean settlement and an Islamic caravanserai zone. These findings help to redefine the role of al-H & amacr;'it in trans-Arabian exchange networks in the long-term, supporting its identification with ancient Fadak/Padakku. The study underscores the need for further surveys and excavations to clarify settlement dynamics and confirm these significant but preliminary results.
This paper presents an edition and study of five early Abbasid monumental inscriptions from Mecca. Comparing the contents of three of these inscriptions which are from the Masgid al-Har & amacr;m to juridical discussions of pilgrimage rites, it argues that, viewing themselves as custodians of Islam and ultimate arbiters of orthopraxy, Umayyad and early Abbasid caliphs successfully intervened in the regulation of the hagg rituals. The other two inscriptions, which celebrate the foundation in 144/761 of the Mosque of the Allegiance at the purported site where the Medinans paid homage to Muhammad on the eve of his immigration to Medina, supply evidence for caliphal preservation and patronage of prophetic lieux de m & eacute;moire, as well as their role in giving shape to the canon of early Islamic history, in general, and Muhammadan biography, in particular, to advance their own political interests. The paper moreover argues that the construction of the latter in the run-up to the rebellion of al-Nafs al-Zakiyya was intended to bolster Abbasid claims to the caliphate in the face of the challenge presented by their Alid rivals.
This study presents the ceramic finds from archaeological investigations conducted in 2024 at two settlements: 'Islamic Village' and Suhaila 2, one of a number of mountain villages of the Late Islamic period within the Hatt & amacr; Oasis: a high-altitude exclave in the Emirate of Dubai. The sites are located on the northeastern slopes of Jabal Qall & amacr;t Sabb & amacr; in the Hatt & amacr; Valley. Excavation conducted on a series of simple, partly preserved, one or two cell stone structures during the course of a heritage conservation project, and survey of nearby areas, revealed occupation spanning the 14th-17th centuries at Islamic Village and 17th to early 20th century at Suhaila 2, representing a near-continuous sequence of activity in the area through part of the Middle Islamic and throughout much of the Late Islamic periods. The location of this activity is of particular interest, situated as it is on one of the important communication routes through the Jib & amacr;l al-Hajar range between the Gulf of Oman issuing into the Indian Ocean c. 35 km to the east, and the Arabian Gulf reached c. 95 km to the northwest at Dubai. Together with the more frequently used pass via the W & amacr;d & imacr; al-Jizz & imacr; via al-Buraym & imacr;/al-'Ayn, these passages connected two maritime zones, cutting out the treacherous passage via the Straits of Hormuz. By mapping long term changes in consumption and the flow of systematically recovered ceramic finds, we hope to gain significant insight into factors of the ancient economy, subsistence and geopolitical configuration. Current research contributes to regional the ceramic chronology and upland settlement archaeology in Eastern Arabia.
The ongoing archaeological research in the North-Arabian oasis of D & umacr;mat al-Jandal revealed an unbroken chronological sequence stretching from the eighth century BCE to the 19th century, based on evidence related to the urban settlement, with occupational peaks during the 'Assyrian' phase (eighth-seventh century BCE), the Nabataean phase (first century BCE second century CE) and the late Roman to Byzantine phase (third-seventh century). Nevertheless, the evidence related to the funerary contexts appears to be very limited and fragmentary. Regarding the Nabataean phase, recent field campaigns have clarified the location of the Nabataean necropolis, which was brought to light between 1985 and 1986 by Saudi archaeologists al-Dayel and al-Shadukhi. Although the contexts are disturbed, the preserved architecture and materials allow for dating and defining the cultural context of the tombs, as well as to appreciate, thanks to the numerous osteological finds, the complexity of the funerary rituals.
This paper presents the results of the first archaeological investigation at Andh & umacr;r (DMa0610), an inland site in the W & amacr;d & imacr; Andh & umacr;r oasis, Dhofar, southern Oman. Excavations revealed a multi-phase occupation dated to the second part of the first century BCE, centred on a two-storey building constructed with the 'sandwich' masonry technique known from Sumhuram. Architectural and environmental evidence suggest that Andh & umacr;r served as a small Hadrami outpost strategically placed near permanent water sources and frankincense-producing areas on the Nejd plateau. The recovery of edible marine shells points to regular contacts between the coast and the interior. Four inscriptions link Andh & umacr;r to wider South Arabian networks and reflect forms of exchange, of people and goods, extending beyond maritime trade. The site offers new insight into Hadrami inland strategies and their engagement with Dhofari populations, helping to define more clearly the complex system of cultural interactions that characterised Dhofar during the Late Iron Age.
Al Uyaynah is a low sandstone mound on an alluvial plain, long known for its extensive surface remains of stone-built circular and rectangular structures. Following test excavations in 2012, more detailed excavation was undertaken in 2016 within one of the largest rectangular stone structures. This demonstrates a sequence with lithic and faunal remains in the time range 7190-6900 cal BC. The lithic industry includes Amuq points, burins, sickle inserts, perforators, awls and scrapers. The faunal remains are dominated by ovicaprids, with goats certainly present, and smaller numbers of cattle, gazelle and hare. An unusual feature is the large number (> 200) of small (2-5 cm) roughly-formed clay objects at the base of the sequence, many with what appear to be deliberately made holes, grooves or inserts of flint and charcoal. We interpret the site as a small village settlement supported by animal husbandry and perhaps crop cultivation, occupied during a relatively short window of improved climatic conditions. Overall, the material shows close affinities with late Pre-Pottery Neolithic B sites in the southern Levant, but with some distinctive features.
The religions of South Arabia underwent major changes between the fourth and early seventh centuries. At the beginning of the fourth century, all the territories of ancient South Arabia were unified: the Himyarite kings succeeded in unifying three ancient kingdoms, Himyar, Saba' and Hadramawt. A common language, the Sabaic, and a common era were adopted. As far as religion was concerned, the unity was more difficult to achieve. The Himyarite kingdom did not have a strong centralized cult; the main gods of the Himyarites were rarely mentioned and the various tribes, who had previously belonged to other kingdoms, worshipped a variety of gods. This is probably why the Himyarites did not try to impose their own religion on the annexed territories. Rather, they preferred to preserve the worship of the main Sabaean god, Almaqah, in Marib. Subsequently, as religious developments progressed in South Arabia, Jewish and Christian communities settled there and some inhabitants converted to Judaism. In the second half of the fourth century, the Himyarite kings converted to Judaism, probably rather superficially, the majority of the population followed and the ancestral polytheistic cults were abandoned. From the late fourth to the sixth century, the dominant religion of the Himyarite kingdom was a kind of Judaism or Judaizing monotheism, with Jewish communities living among the rather superficially Judaized population. Christians were present as well in merchant cities, but their presence is not documented in the local sources before the sixth century. In the sixth century, violent conflicts opposed Himyarites and Ethiopians and also Jews and Christians; finally, Ethiopians conquered the kingdom of Himyar and imposed Christianity as the official religion. These religious transformations are studied in context of political, economic and social evolutions, with the help of various sources, mainly South Arabian Pre-Islamic inscriptions, but also Arab Islamic tradition and Roman and Byzantine sources.
This paper presents the results of three seasons (2018, 2019 and 2021) of excavation at the site of Dahwa 7 (DH7) conducted under the auspices of the Department of Archaeology of Sultan Qaboos University (SQU). Our results highlight the vital role of this Wadi al-Sukhn area site since at least the Early Bronze Age. We also demonstrate that the site's strategic geographic location is an ideal location for this site to act as a link between the coast and the interior areas. 14C dates confirm the different occupational phases of the site from the Early Bronze Age to the present time. Moreover, the evidence suggests that the site's inhabitants developed the settlement so that the site's buildings are distributed over three elevation planes: lower, middle and upper. Finally, ceramic sherds from a large number of Indus vessels were recovered, providing incontrovertible evidence that the site's inhabitants engaged in intensive trade with the Indus Valley.
This essay addresses the ongoing scholarly tension between the monotheistic interpretations of late pre-Islamic Arabian religion, pioneered by G. Hawting and P. Crone, and the traditional accounts of rampant Arabian polytheism found in later Islamic literary sources. By integrating the analysis of the Quran and Islamic literary sources with the rapidly growing body of Paleo-Arabic epigraphy from Late Antique West Arabia, the authors propose a synthesis that resolves this apparent contradiction.
This paper reports a newly identified, extensive scatter of gold ornaments recovered between two Bronze Age Dilmun temples at Tell F6 on Failaka Island, Kuwait. The assemblage comprises foil fragments, sheet with nail-holes, gold nails and studs with golden head, and a few beads; several pieces show exposure to fire, including scorching or melting. Spatially widespread and lacking clear concentrations, the scatter probably extends across at least 5000 m(2). Associated ceramics and Dilmun-type seals indicate secondary deposition during the late Early Dilmun phase (ca. 1900-1700 BC), while parallels in perforated sheet gold and nailed fittings from the contemporary Barbar temples in Bahrain suggest that such gilded elements were typical of Dilmun temples. We evaluate two competing explanations for the scatter's formation: (1) an episode of violent dismantling during a raid, revolt or political iconoclasm or (2) a prolonged ritual praxis involving the offering of small golden objects in and between the two temples. The systematic fragmentation, broad dispersion and lack of clustering argue against simple looting. Although inconclusive we reason that the wide dispersal and signs of burning better fit a scenario of recurring rituals of sacrifice and votive deposition. Textual evidence for the famous Alik Tilmun-Babylonian private merchants obligated to offer (gold, silver, copper and beads) to Ningal upon safe return-provides a contemporary and geographically close analogy. Failaka's strategic role as a Dilmun colony and waystation for the sea trade makes it a likely node for similar preparatory votive offerings to local gods by both colonists and bypassing sea-faring merchants.
Between 2018 and 2021, the Identification and Documentation of Immovable Heritage Assets (IDIHA) Project recorded over 19,000 rock art panels in the AlUla (al-'Ul & amacr;) region of north-western Saudi Arabia. This study presents a chronological assessment of the corpus, drawing on superimpositions, datable motifs, inscriptions, and varnish formation, alongside a diachronic analysis of recurring themes. The rock art of AlUla spans more than 12,000 years, from the early Holocene to the recent past, with notable peaks in production during the Neolithic and, more substantially, the Iron Age and 'pre-Islamic' periods. These temporal fluctuations contrast with patterns observed at other northern Arabian sites and likely reflect population increase in the AlUla valley during the first millennium BCE and CE. Scenes of Neolithic cattle herding, Iron Age camel caravans, and Islamic-era battles offer insight into the lived experiences and symbolic expressions of AlUla's inhabitants across millennia.
This contribution edits a newly discovered Paleo-Arabic inscription from Wadi al-Suwayti in the northeastern Jordanian Harrah. The inscription is dated to the reign of a king called 'mndr, identified by the authors as the Jafnid ruler Al-Mundhir III ibn al-Harith. Some remarks on its implications about Arab rulership and identity are also offered.
Past studies of graffiti containing the word Mu Nu Eta Sigma Theta Eta have never fully established its intrinsic meaning. However, due to the existence of the Aramaic term DKYR, which carries a seemingly identical meaning to Mu Nu Eta Sigma Theta Eta, in similar contexts in the Roman Near East, a comparison between both words is possible. Four distinct sites where the coexistence of these words is attested were chosen: the cities of Dura-Europos and Palmyra, and the desertic zones of W & amacr;d & imacr; Ramm and W & amacr;d & imacr; Mukattab. The variety of archaeological contexts and the range of formulae allow for a comprehensive examination of their occurrences, especially in areas where they co-occur in multilingual inscriptions. It appears that these inscriptions can encompass a wide range of functions. Furthermore, Greek texts appear to bear a comparable significance to the Aramaic DKYR, whose meaning is more readily discernible and has contributed to the use of Mu Nu Eta Sigma Theta Eta in the epigraphic tradition.
The paper summarises the results from the study of the marine fauna documented in the Holocene site of KHB-1, Phase 0, corresponding to the seventh millennium BC, as the earliest recorded occupation of the settlement. Situated along the coast on a marine terrace in the Ash Sharqiyah region (Sultanate of Oman). The archaeomalacological record is presented for units 120, 131 and 140, from a structure filled by silty sediment mixed with shells midden remains. We present a morphological, taxonomic and taphonomic study of the archaeomalacological record, assessing possible areas of origin of the species consumed. This study confirms previous studies on the economic activities of these societies, which continued to have important hunter-gatherer practices, but with a great dedication to the exploitation of coastal resources (sea and lagoon). Basically, archaeomalacological material has been documented from this phase, as well as the remains of a shell midden, which have been the product of human consumption. This confirms the strong relationship with the exploitation of the marine resources of the site, which will be confirmed in later phases of the site's occupation.
This study presents a new epigraphic inscription from Him & amacr; (Najr & amacr;n, Saudi Arabia), which records the arrival of an individual from 'Um & amacr;n during the reign of Ab & imacr;yatha' Ghayl & amacr;n, king of the Am & imacr;r tribe. Written in a South Arabian script but showing non-Ancient South Arabian-possibly Hasaitic-linguistic features, the inscription provides rare evidence of trans-Arabian mobility and diplomatic relations during the Hellenistic period. By contextualizing this text alongside other inscriptions and coins from southern and eastern Arabia, the article explores the political role of Ab & imacr;yatha', the integration of the al-Asd tribe and the significance of long-distance networks involving Gerrha and Mleiha. A newly discovered graffito referencing the gentilic & Gdot;r-ite also contributes to ongoing debates on the ancient name of Gerrha. The use of regnal and Seleucid-era dating in these inscriptions offers further insight into evolving chronological systems across pre-Islamic Arabia.
In 2019, the Dadan Archaeological Project (CNRS/RCU/AFALULA) identified a Late Antique village 1 km south of ancient Dadan in the al-'Ula valley (northwest Saudi Arabia). Three excavation seasons at this site (2021-2023) have uncovered a massive building constructed in the late third or early fourth cent. CE-likely over a former Minaean settlement of the third-first cent. BCE-and used until the first half of the seventh cent. CE. These excavations provide the first archaeological evidence about the last two centuries before Islam (early fifth to early seventh cent. CE), a period previously uncharted in the archaeology of northwest Arabia. An interdisciplinary approach to this site-incorporating archaeology, ceramology, macrolithic tool studies, archaeobotany, archaeozoology and geo-archaeology-provides the first insights on the material culture, agricultural practices, diet, and even the religious identity of its inhabitants.
This paper investigates the rise, expansion and decline of monasteries in East Arabia during the sixth to eighth centuries CE. It considers both literary and archaeological evidence and the similarities and differences between the perspectives that they provide. This brief period of monasticism in East Arabia is evaluated in the context of the increasing influence of East Syrian (Nestorian) Christianity in the late Sasanian empire, the imperial ambitions of the Sasanian emperors in Arabia, and the emergence of an Islamic state that conquered and appropriated the Sasanian lands and gradually asserted its authority over East Arabia and the Gulf. It is also discussed whether this latter phenomenon brought about the demise of the monasteries of East Arabia.
