Research on foreign news coverage suggests that journalists tend to exhibit an ethnocentric bias when reporting on issues that might reflect poorly upon their nation. This stems from the institutional, commercial and cultural pressures that tend to shape the news production process. These pressures are at odds with other professional norms and values within journalism that are seen as crucial to democracy, including the need to inform the public, hold leaders accountable and expose abuses of power. This study examines these tensions in the context of US drone warfare. The authors employ social identity theory to systematically examine the manner and extent to which civilian casualties caused by US drone strikes were reported on in news coverage in the US ( The New York Times) versus the UK ( The Guardian) from 2009–2016. The article explores whether civilian casualty mentions in these news sources led to a more critical examination of the merits and efficacy of the drone policy.
This study aims to contribute to the understanding of strategic narrative theory and persuasive language techniques in the Middle Eastern context, particularly focusing on the utilization of these aspects in discussions related to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). The research employs both quantitative and qualitative methods to analyze how the JCPOA was depicted in news media from the US and Iran. The findings reveal that both nations positioned themselves as key proponents of the JCPOA, emphasizing their willingness to collaborate through a more conciliatory approach. Notably, these narratives were underpinned by divergent persuasive language techniques, reflecting the intricate and often conflict-prone dynamics of the Middle East.
State militaries increasingly communicate their acceptance of LGBTQIA+ individuals through glossy visuals online. This article takes the Swedish Armed Forces as its case since, through their military marketing, they have suggested not only their protection of LGBTQIA+ rights but also their status as a 'queer' force for almost a decade. While the gendered representation of the Swedish military is unstable, the narrative of Nordic states' 'progressiveness' is particularly sticky in international politics. Through a feminist visual narrative analysis of SAF's Pride campaigns, the author identifies patterns and tensions in the 'queer' Swedish military narrative and argues that the Pride campaigns mark attempts at normalizing cis-heteronormativity while consolidating the Swedish nation 'brand' as internationalist, feminist and LGBTQIA+ friendly. In the process, they (re)produce conventionally 'queer' subjects: the patriot and victim, which through wider discourses of neoliberalism and homonationalism rely on 'Western' notions of what it means to be LGBTQIA+ in Sweden and beyond.
The Russian invasion of Ukraine has galvanized anxiety over a possible nuclear catastrophe, with threats ranging from deliberate attacks and shelling of nuclear power plants to the potential use of nuclear weapons. Russia's occupation of the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant (ZNPP), Europe's largest such facility, raises fundamental questions about using NPPs in crisis and risk communication, and disinformation campaigns. Building upon interdisciplinary research bridging Communication and International Relations Studies, this article employs content analysis to examine how Ukrainian and Russian media outlets engaged in a rhetorical battle of frame perceptions about the threat of nuclear catastrophe related to ZNPP. They explore how Russia's propagandists used news media to stir nuclear anxiety as part of a broader disinformation campaign, and investigate strategies employed by Ukrainian media agencies to manage the risk of nuclear anxiety and respond to Russian disinformation. The article contributes to conversations in the field of crisis and risk communication related to how political stakeholders use news media to influence audiences' perceptions, and specifically how political actors use nuclear anxiety politicization and disinformation to gain political influence. The findings provide insights into developing effective news media strategies responding to threats of large-scale nuclear, biological, or chemical catastrophes and cyber-attacks on nuclear infrastructure.
Despite extensive scrutiny of how Russia has weaponized information, little work has been done on how it takes different audiences into account when designing its strategic narratives. Although scholars and practitioners agree on the importance of fitting narratives to audiences, the fact that Russia builds knowledge on audiences and that its practices are informed by a Soviet legacy of information warfare, little is known about the strategies Russia uses to adapt its strategic narratives to audiences. Through a comparative narrative study, the article investigates how Russian state media promote different narratives on Nord Stream 2 to German, Polish and English-speaking audiences. It shows how these are shaped by four adaptation strategies in which Russia amplifies, bridges, transforms and pushes back on the audiences' pre-existing structures of meaning. This article contributes to the existing literature by deepening our knowledge of the relationship between the design of strategic narratives and their intended audience.
The public’s understanding of the situation of refugees largely depends on how they are represented by the media. This article analyses this representation by studying photographs that appear in four mainstream Spanish newspapers of varied political orientation, comparing two paradigmatic examples: that of Afghan refugees versus Ukrainian refugees. The objective of this analysis is to determine the differences and similarities between how each case is covered, using a mixed quantitative and qualitative content analysis method to determine the images’ denotative and connotative aspects, based on ‘framing theory’. Findings show that, although all the refugees are presented primarily from a human-interest angle, there is a significant degree of depersonalization in their photographic presentation due to the framing and stylistic elements employed. Also, Afghans are viewed with greater suspicion than Ukrainians, with a quarter of their images being associated with the idea of conflict.
The 11-day war in May 2021 between Israel and Palestine (Gaza) is worth investigating as a phenomenon of recording war testimonies and memories by civilian mobile phone users. This article explores mobile phone usage by Palestinian civilians to record and document everyday war narratives. The users document, archive and disseminate diverse war memories on various social media platforms. Semi-structured (ethnographic) interviews and interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) are included in the methodological design to understand the patterns of mobile phone activism by civilians during Israel’s Operation Guardian of the Wall in Gaza. The authors argue that the physical and digital (phygital) spaces exist simultaneously, forming the socio-psychological presence of the users in the war and making them significant stakeholders of the Israel–Palestine war narrative. The emergence of a phygital presence signifies a comprehensive representation and archive of civilian war testimonies. Users’ mobile phone footage plays a significant role in shaping discourses of dissent and mobile activism, driving and sustaining collective emotions regarding the repercussions of war. These discourses also contribute to the socio-psychological construction of a phygital memory archive, enriching the conflict’s broader narrative.
Framing is a central concept during times of dispute because it can escalate the dispute or push it toward cooperation. Contributing to the automatic identification of frames in conflict studies, this article aims at examining the dynamics of the main media frames emphasized by Egypt, Sudan and Ethiopia over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam. These frames represent the factors of power and hydro-hegemony between the three countries, including the geographic location, military intervention, mediation, agreements and economic dimensions. Keyword-Assisted Topic Models (KeyATM) are implemented to analyse the English governmental and non-governmental newspapers that covered this dispute the most ( N = 12) over 11 years (2011–2022). While the results show the Egyptian and Sudanese media are dominated by the mediation and agreements frames, the Ethiopian media emphasizes the economic frame. They also confirm the existence of hegemony and counter-hegemony between the downstream and upstream which can be attributed to the dynamics in the adopted frames.
This article makes a necessary intervention in Critical Nuclear Studies which thus far lacks engagement with popular culture since the Cold War. There is a significant gap in our knowledge about contemporary representations of nuclear weapons and their significance for nuclear politics in the current moment. Using Oppenheimer (2023) as a catalyst, this article navigates a setting central to the origin story of nuclear weapons: the desert. The desert is shown to have a complex literal and symbolic history that is intertwined with nuclear politics and contributes to nuclear weapons’ continued mythological status in an age defined by an increasingly partisan trust and distrust in science. The desert setting in popular culture exemplifies the paradoxical and contradictory meanings of nuclear weapons and war. The desert is both the symbolic frontier to the land of opportunity and freedom, and a land of isolation and nothingness. In a retelling of the story of the Manhattan Project – the ‘origin story’ of nuclear weapons – Oppenheimer (2023) offers an opportunity to navigate these tropes in the current moment. Navigating competing representations of nuclear weapons and war reveals some of the hidden logics and relations of power that remain at the foundations of nuclear knowledge – from high politics to popular culture.
How are Western journalists who are killed in the course of their work remembered? Using the biographies of journalists killed covering conflict, this article investigates the discursive repertoires through which the memorialization of journalists killed while reporting conflict is accomplished. The authors argue that such journalists are consistently constructed as humanitarian, cosmopolitan witnesses engaged in supererogatory moral projects involving justice and voice for those outside of these journalists’ geopolitical home communities. This particular articulation appears to herald a recent shift in the memorialization of the journalistic dead, although it is continuous with longer discourses in fields such as photojournalism and its idea of the ‘concerned photographer’. We speculate that this shift is consistent with material changes in the field – in particular, the precaritization of conflict reporting driving journalists into the material and social world of professional humanitarianism, whose discourses around the moral worth and cosmopolitan nature of the work have colonized the subfield of conflict reporting.
This study investigates the representation of the Russia–Ukraine conflict by two state-owned Russian news media and two state-owned Ukrainian news media, namely Izvestia, Russia Today, Ukrinform and Dzerkalo Tyzhnia. The aim of this investigation is to determine the ideologies embedded in the news reports and discourse structures, and strategies deployed in portraying the conflict actors and their actions. Van Dijk’s socio-cognitive model of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) (see Ideology: A Multidisciplinary Approach, 1998; New(s) racism: A discourse analytical approach, 2000; and Politics, ideology, and discourse, 2006) and Martin and White’s Appraisal Framework of attitude and graduation (see The Language of Evaluation: Appraisal in English, 2005) served as the theoretical frameworks. Using Critical Discourse Analysis as the analytical framework, the study examines how attitudinal and evaluative language use are employed to enact ideologies and to portray biased presentations of conflict actors. The findings reveal that the media reports of the Russia–Ukraine conflict are laden with militarism and nationalism. Discourse structures and strategies of emotive verbs, evaluative adjectives, positive self-presentation, negative other-presentation, national self-glorification, actor description, comparison and number games are powerful tools for enacting ideologies. The media representation of the Russia–Ukraine conflict lacked conflict resolution embedded linguistic frames and is rather distorted, stereotypic and conflict-inciting.
This article analyses the underlying and immediate triggers of Nigeria’s EndSARS protest and their interconnectedness. Leveraging Braun and Clark’s reflexive thematic analysis of interviews with 11 participants along with the ethnographic approach, the authors constructed a broader theme termed ‘EndSARS – An Umbrella’. They identify three primary themes (youth unemployment, endemic public sector corruption/poor police welfare and poverty) as the root causes of the EndSARS protest. In addition, they single out one theme (police – perennial human rights abuse) as the immediate cause. They contend that these prevalent socio-economic challenges, commonly experienced among the participants in their study, intersect and serve as pivotal catalysts for mobilization within the context of the EndSARS protest. These distinctive yet challenging characteristics play a central role in broadening the composition of the protesters, resulting in their quest for government accountability and a better Nigeria.
