This article explores the role of the World Health Organization (WHO) in establishing global health governance through human rights, tracing WHO’s evolving participation in the United Nations’ (UN’s) Programme on Human Rights and Scientific and Technological Developments. From a fear of the risks of technology arising out of the 1968 International Conference on Human Rights, the UN pursued a policy agenda that framed medical science as a serious threat to the rights and freedoms of individuals. However, once WHO actively asserted a position that identified health as a human right, WHO’s emergence in rights-based policy discourse reframed science and technology positively in global health policy. With WHO employing the right to health as a source of positive obligations on states to realize the benefits of science and technology for the public’s health, this analytic narrative highlights a path through which human rights has come to frame global health.
Journal of The Historical SocietyVolume 13, Issue 4 p. 421-447 Original Article Three English Cloth Towns and the Royal African Company Matthew David Mitchell, Matthew David MitchellSearch for more papers by this author Matthew David Mitchell, Matthew David MitchellSearch for more papers by this author First published: 25 November 2013 https://doi.org/10.1111/jhis.12027Citations: 3 I would like to acknowledge the gracious assistance of Peter Coclanis and Scott Hovey as editors of The Journal of the Historical Society along with the anonymous reviewers, whose perceptive responses to the various drafts of this article constantly challenged me to revisit and improve my argument. Thanks also to Terry McIntosh, John Wood Sweet, Benjamin Waterhouse, and Lisa Lindsay at the University of North Carolina Department of History; Margo Todd, Antonio Feros, Lynn Hollen Lees, and Kathleen Brown at the University of Pennsylvania Department of History; the staffs of The National Archives (UK) and of the Worcestershire Public Record Office, and the Legat, Fraser, and Cellan-Jones families in London. Ron and Lesley Hines, Bryan and Nicollette Neville-Lee, and Jim Brown helped make my research stint in Worcestershire an enjoyable one while the local history community in Kidderminster proved very welcoming and generous with their knowledge, particularly Don Gilbert, Nigel Gilbert, and Melvyn Thompson, who organized an opportunity for me to present a version of this paper at Kidderminster Town Hall, February 15, 2011. The Pacific Coast Conference on British Studies also hosted a presentation of this research at its annual meeting in Seattle, Washington, March 12, 2011. Last but never least I mention my debt of gratitude to my parents, David and Janet Mitchell; my wife, Elizabeth Leffler-Mitchell, and our children, Malkelm, Maxwell, and Emmelia. * All dates are given Old Style according to the calendar then in use in Britain, but the year is taken as beginning on January 1 rather than March 25. Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Citing Literature Volume13, Issue4December 2013Pages 421-447 RelatedInformation
Moltke-Hansen considers the trajectory of, and influences on, the thought of controversial historian and sometime feminist Elizabeth Fox-Genovese. Preoccupied with the roles of power in social and cultural relations and expressions in early modern France and the Old South, Fox-Genovese was consistently anti-liberal and corporatist whether as a Marxist early in her career or as a Roman Catholic in her last dozen years.
This article argues that because Jennifer Luff broke with the reigning paradigm about how to investigate anticommunism, her Commonsense Anticommunism is a major achievement. She asks historians of all kinds to look differently at the interwar period. Despite several flaws, this book deserves many readers and much emulation.
The author of Commonsense Anticommunism describes the process of researching and writing the book, and offers thoughts for further research on American labor history, the history of American Communism and anticommunism, the history of American conservatism, and the history of federal repression and the FBI.
Journal of The Historical SocietyVolume 13, Issue 1 p. 33-50 Original Article Henry Clay: American Commerce and the Public Option Lacy Ford, Lacy FordSearch for more papers by this author Lacy Ford, Lacy FordSearch for more papers by this author First published: 26 March 2013 https://doi.org/10.1111/jhis.12001Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Volume13, Issue1March 2013Pages 33-50 RelatedInformation
Journal of The Historical SocietyVolume 13, Issue 1 p. 69-94 Original Article A Forgotten Catalyst: Herbert Hoover and the Creation of the Modern American Post-Presidency Cody James Foster, Cody James FosterSearch for more papers by this author Cody James Foster, Cody James FosterSearch for more papers by this author First published: 26 March 2013 https://doi.org/10.1111/jhis.12003 I wish to thank the Ronald E. McNair Scholars Program, my advisor Dr. Nick Cullather, a generous grant from the Hutton Honors College, the archivists at the Herbert Hoover Presidential Library, Scott Hovey, and the Journal of the Historical Society reviewers for their excellent contributions to this paper. Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Volume13, Issue1March 2013Pages 69-94 RelatedInformation
Journal of The Historical SocietyVolume 13, Issue 2 p. 157-162 Original Article Response to Commentary Jennifer Luff, Jennifer LuffSearch for more papers by this author Jennifer Luff, Jennifer LuffSearch for more papers by this author First published: 06 June 2013 https://doi.org/10.1111/jhis.12014Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Volume13, Issue2June 2013Pages 157-162 RelatedInformation
Contrary to widespread belief, Franklin Roosevelt's disability was never entirely hidden from the public-during his presidency, articles in leading publications even mentioned that he used a wheelchair-but Roosevelt generally succeeded in getting the press to present his condition the way he wanted. While most authors have attributed this positive treatment to a "gentlemen's agreement" between Roosevelt and journalists, coercion on the part of the White House and pragmatic concerns on the part of the press were much more important factors. This dynamic would help FDR win reelection in 1944 despite his failing health and would influence the relationship between presidents and the press for decades to come.
Jennifer Luff's Commonsense Anticommunism uncovers a distinct form of conservative anticommunism advanced by the American Federation of Labor. While seeking to banish Communists from the Federation, it nonetheless opposed statutory measures against them. Yet a second kind of labor anticommunism existed. It arose from various currents within the political left, primarily among immigrant Jews in garment unions. Nonetheless, "commonsense" and left-wing forms of anticommunism differed from the red-baiting familiar in most historical accounts.
Journal of The Historical SocietyVolume 13, Issue 4 p. 491-528 Original Article Tracing the Limits of the Reagan Revolution: The Christian Right and the Fate of School Prayer in the Age of Fracture, 1982–1984 Aaron L. Haberman, Aaron L. HabermanSearch for more papers by this author Aaron L. Haberman, Aaron L. HabermanSearch for more papers by this author First published: 25 November 2013 https://doi.org/10.1111/jhis.12030Citations: 1 The author gratefully acknowledges the following people for their suggestions, help, and advice on this project: Patrick Maney, Dan Carter, Lawrence Glickman, Laura Woliver, Gaines Foster, William Martin, Gregory Schneider, Kenneth Heineman, Eric Cheezum, and Jacob Blosser, as well as the anonymous reviewers, Peter Coclanis, and Scott Hovey at The Journal of the Historical Society. Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Citing Literature Volume13, Issue4December 2013Pages 491-528 RelatedInformation
This paper investigates the anthropometric history of pre-modern Korea drawing from military rosters of the Choson Dynasty (1392-1910). We use height collected from up to 4,256 male recruits measured from the sixteenth to early eighteenth century. As previous research did not address the conversion of recorded height measured in local Korean units (ch'ok) into common centimeters in a convincing fashion, this paper pays special attention to this problem by providing evidence that one specific local measure, called chuch'ok, was used throughout the entire period. Using our new conversion method and focusing on 2,596 men who reached their terminal height, we show that during the observed period, mean final height of pre-modern Koreans was about 166 cm, which indicates that they enjoyed the same biological living standards as Europeans at that time.
"Before the Hard Hats" discusses Luff's findings, their implications for understanding the labor conservatism of the 1960s, and whether we can give conservatives credit for being right about Communism.
Commonsense Anticommunism is a useful reminder that opposition to American Communism was rooted in realistic concerns about the policies and behavior of the CPUSA. It raises significant and difficult questions about how to categorize such ideas as "red-baiting" and "McCarthyism."
Average stature is now a well-accepted measure of material and economic well-being in development studies when traditional measures are sparse or unreliable, but little work has been done on the biological conditions for individuals on the nineteenth-century U.S. Great Plains. Records of 14,427 inmates from the Nebraska state prison are used to examine the relationship between stature and economic conditions. Statures of both black and white prisoners in Nebraska increased through time, indicating that biological conditions improved as Nebraska’s output market and agricultural sectors developed. The effect of rural environments on stature is illustrated by the fact that farm laborers were taller than common laborers. Urbanization and industrialization had significant impacts on stature, and proximity to trade routes and waterways was inversely related to stature.
Historians of the War on Poverty have largely underappreciated both the practicality and effectiveness of moderate leadership in their analyses of the decline in poverty and other forms of social change that occurred during the 1960s. Scholars' conclusions generally have been bound by the relatively narrow range of communities on which they have chosen to conduct their research. With few exceptions, they have been drawn to the most exceptional community action experiments in the nation, from those in large urban centers, such as Mayor Daley's Chicago, to those in the most racially backward regions of the Deep South. As a result, scholars have neglected numerous areas that may provide a more representative picture of the War on Poverty and the factors behind its successes and its shortcomings. Among these is Craven County, North Carolina, where both poor people's engagement in direct protest and conservative opposition to social and economic progress were less common and far less decisive in the outcome of the local antipoverty effort than the standard narrative suggests. While its antipoverty program was one of over one thousand in the nation at the time, this article argues that Craven County's experiences during the War on Poverty are relevant well beyond the small towns and pastoral lands of Eastern North Carolina as well as the time frame of the Great Society. For one, the fact that the majority of those who served on the local antipoverty board and/or supported its programs were not liberal but were moderate to conservative challenges established scholarly conclusions that those of "the middle"-who were most interested in gradual change, avoiding conflict, and maintaining social harmony-were primarily supporters of the status quo and, thus, stumbling blocks to needed change.
This essay considers the appointments of Catholics by President Franklin D. Roosevelt as district judges and federal attorneys, demonstrating that he gave far more such jobs to Catholics than any of his immediate predecessors. These results, displayed in several tables, suggest that such conscious efforts to promote Catholics during the New Deal constituted a significant part of the full integration of Catholics into American life.
