The total loss or mutation of /p/ is the quintessential feature that grants the status of Celtic language within the Indo-European family. Therefore, the evolution of this sound has been the subject of multiple studies over the last two centuries. However, there are still crucial issues to be addressed, which will be dealt with at length in the present paper. On the one hand, we will conduct a systematic and critical review of the proposed results of PIE *p in terms of the phonetic context and Celtic dialectology, thus providing a comprehensive overview of all evolutions. On the other hand, we will attempt to elucidate some obscure points of the historical phonetics of Celtic, namely the results of the sequences *#sp-and *-sp-, drawing equally on insular and continental material. Hence, not only will new light be shed on the history and relative chronology of linguistic change in Celtic, but we will also deepen our knowledge of the fragmentary Continental Celtic languages through epigraphic and literary evidence.
The Thracian word pitue f. 'treasury, treasure, treasure-trove' is to be explained as the collective noun *pituueh2 (with the original meaning '+/- a collection of food, food supplies, food products'). It derives from the Proto-Indo-European prototype *pitus m. 'food, nourishment' by means of the feminine collective suffix *-uueh(2). The exact equivalents of the Thracian term are attested in the Pahlavi pyhw 'victuals' etc.), as well as in Ancient Greek. The semantic development of the Thracian word in question can be reconstructed as follows: 'a collection of food, food stock, food 'store, deposit, accumulation' > 'repository of goods, treasury' > 'treasure'. The paper discusses not only possible cognates of the Thracian lexeme, but also a number of collective nouns in *-uueh(2) functioning in the Indo-European languages, especially in Balto-Slavic.
This paper is devoted to the areal distribution of the main color terms in the modern Indo-European languages of Europe, that is, in Germanic, Romance, Greek, Celtic, Baltic, Slavic, and Albanian. Areal studies, as well as historical semantics, are often neglected in the Indo-European research tradition and in diachronic linguistics in general, and conversely areal linguistics and semantic analysis are usually conducted with a synchronic or achronic approach in the literature. Our topic is therefore quite original and interdisciplinary in spirit. Our results are based on an extensive database gathered by consulting lexica and by interviewing native speakers. On the one hand, we show how semantic isoglosses concerning color terms synchronically distribute in space, how they vary according to different branches and to different languages of the same branch, which branches are more compact or more dispersed in their lexicalization patterns, and which areal clusters can be identified across different branches. On the other hand, from a diachronic point of view, we also show how these areal patterns have changed with time, which languages or branches are more conservative or innovating in their color lexicon, and which color categories are better retained or lost, inherited or borrowed. We will see that the areal distribution of color terms develops in different ways according to different color categories and to different language branches, in ways that also reflect historical events and cultural and social factors of the speech communities at issue.
The Vedic word s & aacute;ktu- m. 'coarsely ground meal (of any type)' has so far resisted any etymological analysis. After a detailed philological discussion, I propose connecting Ved. s & aacute;ktu- with the Latin word seges, -etis f. 'sown field; field; crop, harvest' and analyzing the Vedic form as the u-substantivization of an adjective *seg-t-& oacute;- 'belonging to / being in / derived from grain(s)', which in turn represents a derivative of the t-stem abstract PIE *seg-& eacute;t- f. '(act of) sowing'. The paper also addresses the question whether the underlying root PIE *seg- 'sow, seed' should be regarded as identical with the homophonous root PIE *seg- 'pin, fasten, hang'. I conclude that both roots are best kept separated on semantic grounds.
This paper examines the significance of the duel between Rostam and Esfandi & amacr;r as depicted in Ferdowsi's Sh & amacr;hn & amacr;ma in the context of the transition from the age of mythical heroes to the historical era. Both protagonists represent positive, morally justified heroes, yet they stand in opposition. Rostam, emblematic of the ancient, mythological world, is portrayed as a champion of the old order, steeped in magic and heroic traditions, a trickster hero. In contrast, Esfandi & amacr;r, son of an Iranian king and R & umacr;mi princess, and often linked with Zoroastrianism, embodies the emergent religious and moral framework of the classic epic hero. The conflict is further complicated by their positions within the broader dynamics of king-pahlavan relations, where both figures pose a potential threat to Kay Go & scaron;t & amacr;sp as a & Scaron;& amacr;h & amacr;n & scaron;& amacr;h, despite their virtuous natures. The article also examines the validity of King Go & scaron;t & amacr;sp's concerns about the two heroes and their potential right to overthrow the ruler and seize the throne.
The Greek names for lions, dragons, and hounds originally shared a common nasal suffix, *-(o)n-, whose feminines are supplied by the suffix *-iA(2). The same compound suffix, *-n-iA(2), also appears in the Greek term for hyena. This common, shared morphology, a zero-grade root plus an ablauting *(o)n-suffix, suggests that, though only hounds are widely attested, all four names have an Indo-European origin. The root origins of 'dragon' are clear, and plausible accounts of the other three are possible. In addition to providing Indo-European accounts of the names for dogs and lions, such explanations suggest that these preserve one of the oldest ways of naming animals in Indo-European.
Human burials at ancient settlements that are situated outside of cemeteries are quite a well-known, though rare, phenomenon among the archaeological sites of Eurasia. In 2021 and 2023, during excavations of the fortified Bronze Age settlement Stepnoye in the Southern Trans-Urals, there were four burials discovered and investigated in the Sintashta cultural layer, ca. 1950-1850 BC. The objects found in these burials, especially in the context of the earlier considerations of alternative burial practices of the Bronze Age Southern Trans-Urals (Kupriyanova 2018), confirmed previous conclusions, particularly that adult and child burials at the settlement represent two distinct groups. The child group as a whole does not deviate from standard child burial rites, with burials of elevated or high status being the exception, whereas the adult group of burials within the settlements has deviant characteristics, most likely representing their foreign origin.
This article deals with a lexical hapax arangara-, which occurs in the late tenth mandala of the Rgveda and refers to the Asvins. It is usually understood as the name of the bee, but it has no convincing etymology. The aim of the present study is to explain its origin by means of the historical comparative method. The author considers this word as an original compound of *a-rang-a-and gara- transformed by haplology. Its first part is reflected in Sanskrit arakta-'reddish' (Susruta), Shum. arat 'red'; OMth. arata 'reddish, purple' and is etymologically identical to Iranian a-rang-: Old Persian aranjana-'colour, painting materials', New Persian arang 'colour', etc.; it is derived from a nasal form of RAJ 'to be dyed, redden, be red'. The stem gara- < GAR 'to devour' is represented as the second part of the compound in question. Therefore, arangara- would mean 'devouring the red(dish) one/ the coloured one'; it implies pressing stones "devouring", according to other Rgvedic hymns, the reddish soma plant. The comparison of the Asvins with pressing stones is probably borrowed from the hymn 2.39 whose significant influence on the hymn in discussion is well known. The suggested etymology explains the place of this comparison in the whole hymn's poetic structure.
Despite Sihler's and Vine's seminal works on the subject, the phonetic context triggering Cowgill's Law is still unclear. In this paper, it is argued that three prerequisites were to be met for the *o > u process to occur. First, the *o had to be an apophonic *o; second, this apophonic *o had to be in a closed syllable; third, one of the closing consonants of the syllable had to be a labiovelar occlusive (e.g. nu xi < *noku-t-) or a labiovelar laryngeal *h3=*& hstrok;2 (e.g. phi lambda lambda omicron nu < *bhol(h3)-io-). In all cases, the *o > u process can be explained as a preventive anticipation of the labiovelar articulation (), while it was on the brink of disappearance. Accordingly, among the examples cited by Sihler and Vine, ovu mu a and aiopvu mu ev-which do not involve the raising of an apophonic *o to u, but the vocalization a *h3 laryngeal in a vowel-free syllable-do not fall under the scope of Cowgill's Law. They rather illustrate a distinct rule, which various later levellings and reshapings have made difficult to identify. Since Martinet was the first and only linguist to propose a correct analysis of the phenomenon, we suggest calling this second law "Martinet's Law".
The Avestan Yasna liturgical text contains a subsection dedicated to verses concerning the deity/sacred drink Haoma. Often referred to as the Hom Yast (hymn to Haoma), embedded in it are three stanzas (Y 11.1-3) that tell a curious story of how three persons, Haoma, the Horse and the Ox, curse three individuals who represent the three functions of society. A parallel story, with significant variants, is recorded in the late (ca. 9th or 10th century CE) Pahlavi Rivsyat Accompanying the Dadestan i Denig, itself a compendium of citations from the now mostly lost Sassanid collection of Scripture (the Den). Through a comparison of the two texts, I propose how the Avestan text, as it has been transmitted, may have undergone a revision prior to its inclusion in the canon.
An isolated gloss from Cato's Origines, appearing in Macrobius, has been interpreted as a unique survival of nominal syntax of Italic *ambi 'around', a continuant of supposed Proto-Indo-European *h(2)ntb(h)& iacute; 'on both sides', specifically an ins. pl. of *h(2)ent-'forehead, front'. The present article evaluates the arguments and aims to demonstrate that this unus testis has been overinterpreted and is, after all, as unremarkable as it first appeared to Macrobius. The demise of Italic ambi is explored with the conclusion that as simplex, it may have survived in the sense 'along' with specific areal landmarks, and that it never had the assumed primary semantics 'on both sides'.
Gaulish language is by far the best attested Continental Celtic dialect to date. X. Delamarre's works constitute an invaluable source of information on Gaulish mechanisms of morphology, onomastics, and word-formation. In the following lines, I will examine the most recent of his publications, paying particular attention to linguistic, formational, and phonetic aspects, as well as to purely methodological details.
The purpose of this paper is to show that Martinet's thesis on the *h3 laryngeal offers an efficient and economical way of accounting for the PIE word for 'Sun'. Out of the fundamental root *seh3-'to shine, to burn', it is argued here that the protolanguage built a heteroclitic stem *seh3-l/n-'Sun', which eventually gave rise to three distinct proto-forms: (1) a neutral proterokinetic noun *s & eacute;h3-l (G.*sh3-& eacute;n-s), (2) a masculine *-(i )o-derivative *s & eacute;h3-el-(i)os, and (3) a *-no-adjective *sh3l/n-no-meaning 'solar'. All the words for 'Sun' in the various IE language can, in one way or another, be traced back to one of these three proto-forms.1
Conspicuous wealth among the Indo-Europeans was designated by a root *rent- whose various full- and zero-grade derivatives in Celtic, Baltic, Albanian, and Indic designate things or qualities conspicuous by sight or weight.
The present paper aims at reassessing the vexing etymology of Hitt. lahhurnuzzi[nt./c.] 'leafage, leavy branches, foliage, greenery (of trees or shrubs); woven mat or carpet'. So far, the main conundrum is to account for the presence of- uzzi- (a productive suffix for instrumental nouns), while the word under examination is everything but a tool or an implement, by contrast with kur-uzzi-'cutter' or ispand-uzzi- 'libation vessel'. Besides, such forms are mainly deverbatives and Simon's (2013: 108) assumption of a denominative * lahhurn-iya- '(?)' as the source of a deverbative lahhurn-uzzi- can hardly be upheld, even if a stem * lahhur-na [coll.pl.] 'leafage, foliage' vs. simplex* lahhur [nt.] 'leaf; leafy plant' may be assigned to Luwian, as proposed by Simon (ibid.). The derivational history of Hitt. lahhurnuzziwill be outlined here with an alternative scenario and comparative evidence for Luw. * lahhur (< PIE * h (1)l-eh (2)-u-r 'leaf'<- *h(1)l-eh(2)-u- [nt.] 'leaf'<- *h(1)l-eh(2)-u- [adj.] 'leafy'), viz. ProtoGk *eXaLFd [f.] 'olive-tree' and *eXaLFoS [m.] 'wild olive tree', from Proto-Gk *eXaLFoS [adj.] 'leafy' - the reflex of PIE * h(1)l-eh 2- iu-o- [adj.] 'leafy' (thematic variant of * h (1) l-eh (2)- iu- ). Both forms can thus be assigned to PIE * h (1) el-h (2)-, *h1l-eh(2)-'vegetal growth' of proterokinetic inflection, ultimately based on a primary root * h (1) el- 'to go out; to rise; to grow'.
This study analyzes the Greek word kappa o lambda omicron nu "part of the large intestine" in terms of its documentation, word formation and internal and external etymology. It is promising to connect it with other anatomical terms designating various parts of viscera, namely Armenian k'alirt' & k'alird "cavity of the body and its kele "navel; center". This last term is discussed from a broad semantic point of view, demonstrating that in many languages "navel" got its name from an abdominal organ. For the Greek, Armenian and Celtic forms there is a common semantic denominator consisting in the fact that the relevant organs resemble a "bag". That is why forms such as PGreek *kappa omicron lambda epsilon(sic)o nu "sheath of a sword", Greek kappa o lambda upsilon theta rho omicron iota pl. "testicles", and perhaps also Latin cullus & culleus "leather sack" and coley pl. "testicles" are added. Taking into account the semantic motivation of Lithuanian pilvas "stomach, belly" from the verb pilti "to fill", the names of the bag-like organs which are the focus of our etymological interest are explainedon the basis of the verb *kelH-"to make full of water".
The present paper argues that Greek omicron phi iota zeta 'snake', epsilon chi iota zeta 'viper', and epsilon chi iota delta nu alpha 'female viper; name of a monster' derive from a single PIE ablauting paradigm *h(1)og(wh)i- similar to *h(1)eg(wh)i- and discusses the phonological difficulties posed by the seemingly unmotivated delabialization *- g(wh)- > -chi- seen in epsilon chi iota zeta, epsilon chi iota delta nu alpha. A solution is suggested involving the hitherto morphologically unclear epsilon chi iota delta nu alpha which is here derived from a PIE * h1eg(wh)i-pd-nih(2) 'the SnakeFooted One', an individualized bahuvrihi compound with *p(o/ e)d- 'foot' as its second member. Through regular dissimilatory delabialization this yielded Greek *ek(h)ibdnia. with later cluster simplification to epsilon chi iota delta nu alpha, whence epsilon chi iota zeta was derived as a back-formation. Finally, the place of the figure 'the Snake-Footed One' in Indo-European myth is discussed.
Starting from the premise that the Homeric poems and the Sanskrit epic Mah & amacr;bh & amacr;rata ultimately derive from the same poetic tradition, this paper argues that our extant Iliad and Mah & amacr;bh & amacr;rata share a narrative pattern in which a substitute for each poem's main hero is killed in his absence, with the hero then setting out on a path of revenge that culminates in the death of the substitute's murderer. A detailed analysis of the pattern's main narrative stages as they occur in both traditions will show that the similarities cannot be rejected as mere coincidence. The paper then ends with an evaluation of the evidence gathered and a discussion of the relationship between the Iliad and the Near Eastern epic of Gilgame & scaron;, which scholars have traditionally taken as one of the main models for Homer's characterisation of Patroclus.
