In this lecture Sir (T & amacr;) Tipene traces the origins of contemporary Ngai Tahu with some thoughts on the evolution of M & amacr;ori social organization within Te Waipounamu (the South Island of New Zealand). He tracks the historical journey of the people who became known as 'Ngai Tahu', from their origins, conflicts, and migrations to the perfidious 19th-century colonial land purchases by the Crown. Ta Tipene provides rich detail concerning the tribal migrations from the north, rooted in 'traditional history', into an era of measured, quantified, chronologized historicity in which southern tribespeople engaged with acquisitive northern invaders and then white settlers and, with the latter, Western history as we know it.
In the concluding lecture to the series, Sir (T & amacr;) Tipene raised key questions about Indigenous cultural dreaming, asking 'Moemoe & amacr; - after Te Ker & emacr;me, then what?' Having demonstrated in lecture two that the Ng & amacr;i Tahu dream of economic and cultural recuperation was a challenge which was finally met after seven generations of struggle, O'Regan started issuing a new challenge for another, more positive dream for his iwi in the 21st century. He asked: 'What do we want to be? Should we be at all? Is there any option? Who and what are the threats?' T & amacr; Tipene listed and analysed some contemporary myths and explores disturbing truths about retaining the structural and fiscal integrity of Ng & amacr;i Tahu within the fragile waka that is contemporary Aotearoa/New Zealand. O'Regan predicted a tidal ebb and flow in social acceptance of Treaty settlements and was a visionary for a positive and resilient tribal future to fight prejudice.
Following the establishment of a British protectorate in southeastern New Guinea in 1884, the imperial and several Australian colonial governments published detailed geographical and social information about the region in Annual Reports to Parliament. These documents were diversely illustrated by despatches, photographs, and maps produced by administrators, missionaries, explorers, and surveyors. Focussing on materials compiled about selected areas along the southeast coastline and in parts of the western interior of British New Guinea from 1884 to 1901, this article considers moments of encounter with places or inhabitants and charts traces of Indigenous presence in maps or related texts. I argue that colonial explorers, with limited linguistic knowledge, relied on Pacific Islander and Papuan intermediaries to forge and document mutually productive local connections. The result is a layered series of sketch maps and topographic drawings representing the slow accrual of colonial knowledge about landscapes and social groups.
After a tragic wartime experience, the Nauruans welcomed the return of Australian rule in late 1945. Australia concentrated on the prompt resumption of phosphate mining, giving Nauruan interests lower priority. Among several representations, the Nauruans petitioned the United Nations in August 1948 seeking 'some share of administrative responsibility'. Nancy Viviani described the Nauruans later withdrawal of this petition as a 'setback' to their 'revolutionary hopes for rapid political advancement', suggesting Australian political pressure may have caused the withdrawal. This article argues that in this era the Nauruans' political hopes were modest rather than 'revolutionary' and that it was the Nauruans who applied political pressure to achieve their main objectives: the early recall of a bullying administrator, the provision of modern housing, and a respectful, constructive consideration of their concerns and grievances. They remained accepting of Australian rule but expected to be treated with respect.
