In 1977, Canada sent The Group of Seven: Canadian Landscape Painters to the Soviet Union in what it hoped would be an exchange under the 1971 Canada–USSR General Exchanges Agreement. This article argues that this moment consolidated the Group of Seven’s identification with Canada’s national brand. It came as the resolution of Canada’s efforts to secure a showing for the Group’s work in the Soviet Union dating back to the early 1960s and the National Gallery of Canada’s then decades-long practice of using international exhibitions to promote the Group of Seven as Canada’s national school of art. The authors foreground the Group of Seven show in an exhibition history currently obscured by scholarly focus on the Cold War’s superpower cultural exchanges and the rise of blockbuster exhibitions—rock-star shows of “masterpieces,” “masterworks,” and “treasures” that drew mass audiences and significant revenue to the museum sector. In this history, the Canadian show, modest by comparison, was nevertheless of a type that included such extravaganzas. Ranging in scale and cultural power, exhibitions of this type were related through their circulation as a function of cultural diplomacy; specifically, the formal intergovernmental agreements on general cultural co-operation and exchange that proliferated in the third quarter of the twentieth century as culture assumed an increasingly important role in the conduct of interstate relations. In the otherwise bi-power/bipolar focused scholarship on the cultural Cold War, this article provides a much-needed case study of a middle power’s instrumentalization of the art exhibition in the Cold War competition for national prestige.
The Government of Canada’s professed commitment to new ‘nation-to-nation’ relations with Indigenous Peoples has been widely publicized through ongoing reconciliatory rhetoric. An opportunity to walk its talk came in 2015 when the federal government announced its plan to legalize recreational cannabis after a century of prohibition, along with a promise to include Indigenous Peoples and governments in the policy creation process. Many First Nations hoped to benefit from the new, prospectively very profitable, and ecologically neutral industry, while many others were more concerned with potential social problems. Both sought greater control over licensing and distribution in their territories in keeping with the new nation-to-nation relations that were promised. Our research began by compiling more than 2,000 documents produced between 2016 and 2021 related to cannabis policy to create a chronology of events surrounding Indigenous-Crown interactions regarding cannabis legalization. This covered both the lead-up to and aftermath of the 2018 Cannabis Act and reflected the public exchange between Indigenous groups, Indigenous governments, and Canadian government officials during the creation and implementation of Canada’s recreational cannabis policy. Our research outlines specific Indigenous interests and concerns related to cannabis legalization and assesses the extent to which they were evident in Canada’s final cannabis policy. The authors set out to examine whether the government’s behaviour on this issue went beyond respectful and egalitarian platitudes and lived up to its promises to work nation-to-nation and include Indigenous Nations as true partners in Confederation. Rather than highlighting an era of reconciliation that supports Indigenous self-determinism and economic self-sufficiency, the authors conclude that the new nation-to-nation relationships look a lot like the old ones.
Based principally on a corpus of 397 letters, this article analyses reactions to the official languages’ debates surrounding the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism (1963–1971). The correspondence sent between Alberta Premiers Manning and Strom and the public during the 1960s reveals the friction between two opposing views of Canada: one where Francophones, subject to decades of assimilation, should be better included in the federation, and another where multicultural Alberta should include all ethnic groups equally, giving no special treatment to any group. The latter view is highlighted in this analysis through the consequences of erasing francophone history from the West. Furthermore, this analysis shows how the Albertan and Western reaction to the creation of a bilingual Canadian state is linked to sentiments of western alienation. From the political strategies used to ensure English language dominance to the discourses of the correspondence, the article shows an incompatibility between Alberta’s political culture and the Canadian bilingualism project.
Canadian politics is often narrated through the lens of "exceptionalism," portrayed as insulated from populist disruptions that have unsettled other democracies. Yet under the pretense of restoring sovereignty to the "people," populism has become a tool for challenging constitutional authority in Canada, mobilized to erode checks on executive and legislative power. This article examines the Alberta government's Sovereignty Within a United Canada Act, passed in late 2022 by the United Conservative Party (UCP). The act authorizes the provincial legislature to direct institutions to defy federal laws deemed "unconstitutional" or "harmful." The authors ask, What context and which actors sustained the UCP government's use of populist frames in passing this legislation? Using historical and contemporary qualitative evidence, they show that separatist and "freedom" organizations provided critical resources and political opportunities for the UCP's policy program. The authors trace how three groups-the Free Alberta Strategy, Take Back Alberta, and the Alberta Prosperity Project-mobilized, brokered influence, and secured ideological patronage in shaping the act's framing. By highlighting the interplay between social movements and parties, they argue that populist constitutionalism in Canada is neither anomalous nor incidental but deeply contingent on movement-party linkages. These findings complicate the narrative of Canadian exceptionalism, suggesting that Canada's democratic institutions are vulnerable to the same populist currents reshaping politics globally, albeit in forms mediated by distinct regional political cultures. La politique canadienne est souvent racont & eacute;e selon l'optique de l'& laquo;exception & raquo;, d & eacute;crite comme isol & eacute;e des perturbations populistes qui ont d & eacute;stabilis & eacute; d'autres d & eacute;mocraties. Pourtant, sous pr & eacute;texte de r & eacute;tablir la souverainet & eacute; du & laquo;peuple & raquo;, le populisme est devenu un outil de remise en question de l'autorit & eacute; constitutionnelle du Canada, mobilis & eacute; pour & eacute;roder la surveillance des pouvoirs ex & eacute;cutif et l & eacute;gislatif. Le pr & eacute;sent article explore l'Alberta Sovereignty Within a United Canada Act, adopt & eacute;e & agrave; la fin de 2022 par le Parti conservateur uni (PCU). Cette loi autorise le gouvernement provincial & agrave; intimer les institutions de d & eacute;fier les lois consid & eacute;r & eacute;es comme & laquo;inconstitutionnelles & raquo; ou & laquo;nuisibles & raquo;. Les auteurs demandent dans quel contexte et quels acteurs ont contribu & eacute; & agrave; ce que le gouvernement du PCU utilise des cadres populistes pour adopter cette loi. Au moyen de donn & eacute;es probantes qualitatives historiques et contemporaines, ils r & eacute;v & egrave;lent que les organisations s & eacute;paratistes et tourn & eacute;es vers la & laquo;libert & eacute;& raquo; ont fourni des ressources essentielles et des possibilit & eacute;s politiques au programme politique du PCU. Les auteurs & eacute;tudient comment trois groupes (la Free Alberta Strategy, Take Back Alberta, et l'Alberta Prosperity Project) ont mobilis & eacute;, d & eacute;gag & eacute; de l'influence et obtenu un m & eacute;c & eacute;nat id & eacute;ologique pour fa & ccedil;onner le cadre de la loi. Ils soulignent la relation entre les mouvements sociaux et les partis et avancent que le constitutionnalisme populiste du Canada n'est ni une anomalie ni un accident, mais qu'il est profond & eacute;ment subordonn & eacute; aux relations entre le mouvement et le parti. Ces constatations compliquent la repr & eacute;sentation d'une exception canadienne et d & eacute;montrent que les institutions d & eacute;mocratiques du Canada sont vuln & eacute;rables aux m & ecirc;mes courants populistes qui refa & ccedil;onnent les politiques mondiales, mais dans des formes induites par des cultures politiques r & eacute;gionales distinctes.
Reviews of Blackface performances in Halifax's nineteenth-century newspapers reveal that they provoked mixed reactions between the mid-1830s and early 1860s. While these shows were clearly popular among a large number of White Haligonians, those who published reviews of these shows in the local press were initially very critical. However, the latter's impressions gradually evolved, and by the mid-1840s, they were willing to recognize some merit to blackface performances while retaining a critical stance. These shows, consequently, gained from them a degree of acceptance as a form of popular entertainment. This article seeks to make sense of the diverging reactions among White audiences, which reveal a contrasting understanding of Whiteness in this community and the gradual change in perspective among those who reviewed blackface performances. It argues that several factors contributed to these developments, including conflicting aesthetic standards and tastes in stage entertainment shaped largely by differing class and ethnic allegiances among White Haligonians. Shifting critical responses were also influenced by changes within the performances themselves. Moreover, the city's evolving and strained relations between White and Black residents likely made blackface entertainment more palatable over time even to its initial White critics. As a result, these reviewers indirectly contributed to further entrenching the longstanding anti-Black racism in Halifax. Les critiques des performances de blackface dans les journaux de Halifax au dix-neuvi & egrave;me si & egrave;cle r & eacute;v & egrave;lent qu'elles provoquaient des r & eacute;actions mitig & eacute;es entre le milieu des ann & eacute;es 1830 et le d & eacute;but des ann & eacute;es 1860. Ces spectacles & eacute;taient clairement populaires aupr & egrave;s de nombreux Haligoniens blancs, mais au d & eacute;part, leurs critiques dans la presse locale & eacute;taient tr & egrave;s s & eacute;v & egrave;res. Cependant, ces impressions ont & eacute;volu & eacute; graduellement, et au milieu des ann & eacute;es 1840, les critiques & eacute;taient pr & ecirc;ts & agrave; trouver des m & eacute;rites des performances de blackface tout en conservant un regard critique. Ces spectacles ont ainsi acquis un certain degr & eacute; d'acceptation comme divertissement populaire. Le pr & eacute;sent article vise & agrave; donner un sens aux r & eacute;actions divergentes aupr & egrave;s des auditoires blancs, ce qui r & eacute;v & egrave;le une compr & eacute;hension contrastante de la blanchit & eacute; dans cette communaut & eacute; et le changement graduel de perspective chez les personnes qui critiquaient les performances de blackface. Il avance que plusieurs facteurs ont contribu & eacute; & agrave; cette & eacute;volution, y compris des normes et des go & ucirc;ts esth & eacute;tiques conflictuels & agrave; l'& eacute;gard des divertissements sur sc & egrave;ne largement fa & ccedil;onn & eacute;s par des classes et des all & eacute;geances ethniques tr & egrave;s diff & eacute;rentes chez les Haligoniens blancs. Les changements aux critiques & eacute;taient & eacute;galement influenc & eacute;s par des modifications aux performances m & ecirc;mes. De plus, les relations & eacute;volutives et tendues entre les r & eacute;sidents blancs et noirs de la Ville ont probablement rendu les divertissements de blackface plus acceptables au fil du temps, m & ecirc;me pour les critiques blancs du d & eacute;but. Par cons & eacute;quent, ces critiques ont contribu & eacute; indirectement & agrave; renforcer encore davantage le racisme antinoir de longue date & agrave; Halifax.
As debates over diversity and inclusion intensify, understanding women's everyday experiences in the military becomes increasingly important. Likewise, against a political backdrop of heightened insecurity, as well as recruitment challenges, the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) are committed to organizational culture change, part of which entails ensuring that women and other minorities feel welcome and valued. This article draws on 40 qualitative interviews with CAF servicewomen and Veterans representing different tanks, occupations, and service branches, to understand how they navigate belonging, exclusion, and identity in an institution historically steeped in masculine ideals of soldiering. The article begins with a historical overview of women's integration in the CAF, followed by a review of literature on women's representation in militaries and other male-dominated workplaces. Research findings are presented under six themes: memories of women's integration; gendered stereotypes and fitting in; horizontal hostility, sisterhood and reverse sexism; gender and perceptions of privilege and discomfort; diverse identities; and work-life conflict, mothering, and relationships. The article concludes by discussing the implications of these findings for future research, policy, and practice, including how paying attention to women's everyday experiences helps illuminate why recruitment and retention remain difficult and why culture change continues to be uneven, suggesting that gender continues to shape military life in numerous ways. Tandis que les d & eacute;bats sur la diversit & eacute; et l'inclusion s'intensifient, la compr & eacute;hension des exp & eacute;riences quotidiennes des femmes dans le milieu militaire prend une importance capitale. De m & ecirc;me, devant un climat politique d'ins & eacute;curit & eacute; accrue et de difficult & eacute; de recrutement, les Forces arm & eacute;es canadiennes (FAC) sont engag & eacute;es & agrave; modifier la culture organisationnelle, ce qui consiste en partie & agrave; s'assurer que les femmes et les autres minorit & eacute;s se sentent bienvenues et valoris & eacute;es. Le pr & eacute;sent article puise dans 40 entrevues qualitatives aupr & egrave;s de femmes et de v & eacute;t & eacute;ranes des FAC qui repr & eacute;sentent divers blind & eacute;s, professions et branches des services militaires, pour comprendre comment elles composent avec l'appartenance, l'exclusion et l'identit & eacute; dans une institution qui a toujours & eacute;t & eacute; p & eacute;trie d'id & eacute;aux masculins du combattant. L'article commence par un aper & ccedil;u historique de l'int & eacute;gration des femmes dans les FAC, puis se poursuit par une analyse bibliographique de la repr & eacute;sentation des femmes dans le milieu militaire et les autres lieux de travail domin & eacute;s par les hommes. Les r & eacute;sultats des recherches sont divis & eacute;s en six th & egrave;mes : les souvenirs de l'int & eacute;gration des femmes, les st & eacute;r & eacute;otypes de genre et l'int & eacute;gration, l'hostilit & eacute; horizontale, la sororit & eacute; et le sexisme invers & eacute;, le genre et les perceptions de privil & egrave;ge et d'inconfort, les identit & eacute;s diverses, ainsi que le conflit entre le travail et la vie, la maternit & eacute; et les relations. L'article se termine par un expos & eacute; sur les cons & eacute;quences de ces r & eacute;sultats pour de futurs recherches, politiques et pratiques, y compris la mani & egrave;re dont l'attention port & eacute;e aux exp & eacute;riences quotidiennes des femmes contribue & agrave; & eacute;tablir pourquoi le recrutement et la r & eacute;tention demeurent difficiles, les raisons pour lesquelles le changement de culture continue d'& ecirc;tre in & eacute;gal, ce qui indique que le genre continue de fa & ccedil;onner la vie militaire de nombreuses fa & ccedil;ons.
Based principally on a corpus of 397 letters, this article analyses reactions to the official languages' debates surrounding the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism (1963-1971). The correspondence sent between Alberta Premiers Manning and Strom and the public during the 1960s reveals the friction between two opposing views of Canada: one where Francophones, subject to decades of assimilation, should be better included in the federation, and another where multicultural Alberta should include all ethnic groups equally, giving no special treatment to any group. The latter view is highlighted in this analysis through the consequences of erasing francophone history from the West. Furthermore, this analysis shows how the Albertan and Western reaction to the creation of a bilingual Canadian state is linked to sentiments of western alienation. From the political strategies used to ensure English language dominance to the discourses of the correspondence, the article shows an incompatibility between Alberta's political culture and the Canadian bilingualism project.
In this article, we bring together findings from our qualitative study of provincial public sector workers (n = 32) on Treaty 6, 7, and 8 (Alberta) and unceded Coast Salish territories (British Columbia) in which we consider how these workers are socialized to reproduce settler colonial structures and resist them. Provincial public sector workers (PPSWs) do not simply represent the White settler colonial state but functionally are the system as they negotiate the violence of the relationship between the state and Indigenous Nations and communities in their day-to-day work. The provincial level that we spotlight has jurisdiction over what are known as "the helping sectors" of education, health, and child welfare. These sectors directly govern the most intimate parts of life, making the capacity to cause harm insidious. State interventions into the lives of systemically targeted families and communities are often authorized through notions that the public sector serves "the public good" and knows "what's best." We specifically interrogate the relationship between the exercise of discretionary power and the logics underscoring White settler colonial institutions like the public sector. Our contention is that discretionary power is core to how PPSWs as state actors learn to conduct their work and justify their authority to do that work, as well as how they learn to both enact and challenge the authority and jurisdiction of the state. Dans le pr & eacute;sent article, les auteurs regroupent les r & eacute;sultats de leur & eacute;tude qualitative sur les travailleurs provinciaux du secteur public (n = 32) sur les territoires des Trait & eacute;s 6, 7 et 8 (Alberta) et les territoires non c & eacute;d & eacute;s des Salish de la c & ocirc;te (Colombie-Britannique), dans laquelle ils examinent la socialisation de ces travailleurs pour reproduire les structures coloniales de l'occupant et y r & eacute;sister. Les travailleurs provinciaux du secteur public (TPSP) repr & eacute;sentent non seulement l'& Eacute;tat colonial de l'occupant blanc, mais sur le plan fonctionnel, ils sont le syst & egrave;me alors qu'ils n & eacute;gocient la violence de la relation entre l'& Eacute;tat et les nations et communaut & eacute;s autochtones au quotidien. L'ordre provincial mis en lumi & egrave;re a comp & eacute;tence sur ce qu'on appelle les & laquo;secteurs d'aide & raquo; de l'& eacute;ducation, de la sant & eacute; et de la protection de l'enfance. Ces secteurs r & eacute;gissent directement les volets les plus intimes de la vie, ce qui rend la capacit & eacute; de nuire insidieuse. Les interventions de l'& Eacute;tat dans la vie de familles et de communaut & eacute;s qui constituent des cibles syst & eacute;miques sont souvent autoris & eacute;es selon le principe que le secteur public agit pour & laquo;le bien du public & raquo; et sait & laquo;ce qui convient le mieux & raquo;. Les autrices contestent tout particuli & egrave;rement la relation entre l'exercice d'un pouvoir discr & eacute;tionnaire et la logique qui sous-tend les institutions coloniales de l'occupant blanc, comme le secteur public. Elles avancent que le pouvoir discr & eacute;tionnaire est au c oe ur de la mani & egrave;re dont les TPSP, dans leur r & ocirc;le d'intervenants de l'& Eacute;tat, effectuent leur travail et justifient leur autorit & eacute; pour l'effectuer, de m & ecirc;me de la mani & egrave;re dont ils apprennent & agrave; la fois & agrave; appliquer et & agrave; d & eacute;noncer l'autorit & eacute; et la comp & eacute;tence de l'& Eacute;tat.
The storying of the Canadian men's national soccer team has established immigration, multiculturalism, and transnationalism as a linchpin of the team's climb from relative obscurity. This was transparent in the framing of the team leading up to and during the team's historic appearance at the 2022 FIFA World Cup in Qatar, following a 36 year-long campaign to return to the tournament. The contemporary phenomenon of celebrating 'outsiders,' particularly Black men, through the national team prompts the question: What has been soccer's role in the narrative arc of Canadian multiculturalism? A widely mediated rhetoric that transmits curated information (propaganda about a nation here, for instance) raises questions as to whom it benefits. Canadian soccer notably channels a paradoxical process wherein the Other's hypervisibility is framed as integral to Canadianness. Celebrated Black players on the national soccer squad emerge as 'aliens'-in an 'alien sport.' This mechanism underscores the centrality of Whiteness at the turn of the twenty-first century that delineates multiculturalism through race. Using the team's qualification for the 2022 Qatar World Cup as fulcrum, the aim is to explore the history of multicultural soccer's significance in national identity (de/re)construction leading up to that moment. To unpack this, I present a historical investigation of soccer's intersection with race, ethnicity, multiculturalism, and nationalism in Canada. This is done through an overview of the rhetoric around soccer multiculturalism from the late 1970s to the early 2000s through the Toronto Globe and Mail. Le r & eacute;cit de l'& eacute;quipe nationale masculine de soccer du Canada place l'immigration, le multiculturalisme et le transnationalisme au c oe ur de la sortie de l'& eacute;quipe d'une ombre relative. C'est & eacute;vident dans la mani & egrave;re dont l'& eacute;quipe a & eacute;t & eacute; pr & eacute;sent & eacute;e avant et pendant la participation historique de l'& eacute;quipe & agrave; la Coupe du monde 2022 de la FIFA au Qatar, apr & egrave;s une campagne de 36 ans pour revenir au tournoi. Le ph & eacute;nom & egrave;ne contemporain de c & eacute;l & eacute;bration des & laquo;marginaux & raquo;, notamment les hommes noirs, par le truchement de l'& eacute;quipe nationale, soul & egrave;ve la question suivante : Quel est le r & ocirc;le du soccer dans l'arc narratif du multiculturalisme canadien? Cette rh & eacute;torique largement dupliqu & eacute;e, qui transmet de l'information s & eacute;lectionn & eacute;e (propagande sur la nation dans ce cas-ci, par exemple), am & egrave;ne & agrave; se demander & agrave; qui elle profite. Le soccer canadien f & eacute;d & egrave;re notamment un processus paradoxal selon lequel l'hypervisibilit & eacute; de & laquo;l'autre & raquo; s'inscrit dans une d & eacute;marche de canadianit & eacute;. Les joueurs noirs c & eacute;l & eacute;br & eacute;s sur l'& eacute;quipe nationale de soccer sont per & ccedil;us comme des & laquo;marginaux & raquo;, dans un sport & laquo;marginal & raquo;. Ce m & eacute;canisme souligne la place centrale de la Blanchit & eacute; au tournant du vingt et uni & egrave;me si & egrave;cle, qui d & eacute;finit le multiculturalisme par la race. Se servant de la qualification de l'& eacute;quipe & agrave; la Coupe du monde 2022 du Qatar comme point d'appui, l'autrice explore l'histoire de la signification multiculturelle du soccer dans la (d & eacute;/re)construction de l'identit & eacute; nationale qui m & egrave;ne & agrave; ce moment. Pour ce faire, elle pr & eacute;sente une & eacute;tude historique de l'intersection du soccer avec la race, l'ethnie, le multiculturalisme et le nationalisme au Canada et survole la rh & eacute;torique entourant le multiculturalisme du soccer & agrave; partir de la fin des ann & eacute;es 1970 jusqu'au d & eacute;but des ann & eacute;es 2000 dans le Globe and Mail de Toronto.
The initiation of social welfare constructed a particular imaginary of the national public. At its inception in 1927, the Canadian pension included both a (British) citizenship requirement and a residency requirement that precluded the portability of the pension, should the pension recipient move outside of Canada. Over the course of the twentieth century, parliamentary debates succeeded in incrementally rolling back both requirements, reimagining the community of Canadian belonging not through citizenship but instead through contributions to economic development conducive to neoliberal imaginings of the nation. A residency requirement for receipt of the pension, however, remains in effect for the social and universal pensions, the Guaranteed Income Supplement and Old Age Security, which are the most significant measures in preventing poverty among older Canadians. As the author examines among the Ghanaian diaspora in Canada, poorer Canadians face greater restrictions on pension portability and their mobility than higher-wage earners, resulting in fraught and complicated strategies to support their well-being. The residency restrictions on the universal and social pensions generate inequalities among poorer Canadians, particularly racialized immigrant women, and promote a reliance on kin care and support among older adults. Le d & eacute;but de l'aide sociale a fait na & icirc;tre un imaginaire particulier du public national. & Agrave; sa cr & eacute;ation en 1927, la pension du Canada incluait & agrave; la fois une exigence de citoyennet & eacute; (britannique) et une exigence de r & eacute;sidence qui en excluaient la transf & eacute;rabilit & eacute; si son titulaire d & eacute;m & eacute;nageait & agrave; l'ext & eacute;rieur du pays. Tout au long du vingti & egrave;me si & egrave;cle, les d & eacute;bats parlementaires ont r & eacute;ussi & agrave; faire reculer graduellement ces deux exigences et & agrave; r & eacute;imaginer la communaut & eacute; d'appartenance canadienne, non pas par la citoyennet & eacute;, mais par des apports au d & eacute;veloppement & eacute;conomique favorables aux imaginaires n & eacute;olib & eacute;raux de la nation. Une preuve de r & eacute;sidence pour recevoir la pension demeure toutefois applicable pour le r & eacute;gime de pension social et universel, le suppl & eacute;ment de revenu garanti et la s & eacute;curit & eacute; de la vieillesse, qui sont les mesures les plus importantes pour pr & eacute;venir la pauvret & eacute; chez les Canadiennes et Canadiens & acirc;g & eacute;s. Alors que l'auteur examine la diaspora ghan & eacute;enne du Canada, les Canadiennes et Canadiens plus pauvres affrontent des restrictions plus importantes relativement & agrave; la transf & eacute;rabilit & eacute; de la pension et & agrave; la mobilit & eacute; que les personnes & agrave; revenu & eacute;lev & eacute;, ce qui entra & icirc;ne des strat & eacute;gies tendues et complexes pour soutenir leur bien-& ecirc;tre. Les restrictions sur la r & eacute;sidence associ & eacute;es aux pensions universelles et sociales produisent des in & eacute;galit & eacute;s chez les Canadiennes et Canadiens les plus pauvres, notamment les immigrantes racis & eacute;es, et favorisent la confiance envers la parent & eacute; et le soutien chez les personnes & acirc;g & eacute;es.
A crucial barometer of democratic health is trust in others and in institutions. Intensifying mistrust, moreover, has been identified as offering fertile ground to populist movements. This paper investigates the supply of—and the public demand for—mistrust narratives among Canadian politicians using a database of original tweets posted on X (formerly Twitter) in English by federal MPs between 2021 and 2025. Following a dictionary-based approach, we develop a high-frequency mistrust indicator, which we then apply to examine quantitative trends and rhetorical shifts in articulations of mistrust. Our findings reveal a growth in the supply of mistrust narratives among Canadian MPs, which is most pronounced within the Conservative Party of Canada. We further find that tweets expressing mistrust are in especially high demand among right-wing audiences, particularly since the 2022 Freedom Convoy. We interpret these findings as evidence of the role of mistrust narratives in advancing (particularly right-wing) populist political projects in Canada.
Canadian artist Joyce Wieland's quilt-like Defend the Earth (1972), a work of public art installed in the National Science Library in Ottawa, had rarely been seen or written about over the past 50 years, until its inclusion in Joyce Wieland: Heart On, a 2025 retrospective exhibition. Wieland had previously made environmentally oriented artworks, but the scale and ambition of this seven-metre-long textile work deserve to be studied in relation to the radical, citizen-oriented ecological activism that swept across Canada and many other parts of the world in the 1960s and early 1970s. This article focuses on the artwork's use of language, problematizing the imperative statement "Defend the Earth" by asking whose voice is uttering these words, and who (what addressee, what public) the words were intended for. The medium chosen to deliver this message was also crucial: sewn and embroidered cloth, resembling traditional quilts. Wieland was indeed at the forefront of a wave of feminist artists who were reclaiming and reinventing so-called women's work. It is therefore argued that, with Defend the Earth, Joyce Wieland invented a new kind of ethical public art that combined both ecological and feminist politics. La cr & eacute;ation de type courtepointe D & eacute;fendez la Terre (1972) de l'artiste canadienne Joyce Wieland, une oe uvre d'art public install & eacute;e & agrave; la Biblioth & egrave;que scientifique nationale d'Ottawa, a rarement & eacute;t & eacute; expos & eacute;e ou fait l'objet d'& eacute;tudes depuis 50 ans, jusqu'& agrave; son inclusion dans & Agrave; c oe ur battant, une exposition r & eacute;trospective de 2025. Cette artiste a d & eacute;j & agrave; cr & eacute;& eacute; des oe uvres & agrave; vocation & eacute;cologique, mais l'ampleur et l'ambition de cette cr & eacute;ation textile de sept m & egrave;tres m & eacute;ritent d'& ecirc;tre & eacute;tudi & eacute;es dans le cadre du militantisme & eacute;cologique citoyen radical qui a balay & eacute; le Canada et de nombreuses autres parties du monde dans les ann & eacute;es 1960 et au d & eacute;but des ann & eacute;es 1970. Le pr & eacute;sent article porte sur l'utilisation du langage dans l'oe uvre et probl & eacute;matise l'& eacute;nonc & eacute; imp & eacute;ratif D & eacute;fendez la Terre en demandant qui & eacute;met ces paroles et & agrave; qui elles s'adressent (quel interlocuteur, quel public). Le m & eacute;dium choisi pour livrer ce message & eacute;tait & eacute;galement crucial : tissu cousu et brod & eacute;, qui ressemble & agrave; une courtepointe traditionnelle. Joyce Wieland & eacute;tait bel et bien & agrave; l'avant-sc & egrave;ne d'une vague d'artistes f & eacute;ministes qui r & eacute;cup & eacute;raient et r & eacute;inventaient ce qu'on qualifie de travail des femmes. L'autrice avance donc qu'avec D & eacute;fendez la Terre, Joyce Wieland a invent & eacute; un nouveau type d'art public & eacute;thique qui combine & agrave; la fois la politique & eacute;cologique et f & eacute;ministe.
Using the framework of a journey of learning, the author relates her own development toward producing community-engaged projects focused on do-it-yourself activity and a position advocating for more trust in amateur efforts. She addresses related subjects that build toward this position, with reference throughout to some of her own and community projects. First, she argues for the value of non-specialization and crossing disciplinary boundaries and problem-making. That is related to translation, code-switching and skill sharing as tools that enable one to operate across disparate fields. She gives examples of community efforts expressing collective intent that change urban space by understanding it as a field of play. This leads to a summary of theories of invention through play, especially risky play as a form of play that has many collective benefits. The valuing of risk, experimentation, and testing the limits of rules is then associated with creative processes and certain initiatives the author is involved with that deliberately challenge regulations, sometimes with an intention to oppose colonial systems. This leads to a discussion of the real benefits of citizen and amateur effort in building the character of social space and then an argument to view doing-it-yourself as both a right and a need. The article ends with a call to authorities to find more ways to trust and entrust amateur efforts. Selon le cadre d'un parcours d'apprentissage, l'autrice relie son propre d & eacute;veloppement vers la production de projets communautaires ax & eacute;s sur des activit & eacute;s & agrave; faire soi-m & ecirc;me et une position en faveur d'une plus grande confiance envers les efforts amateurs. Elle aborde des sujets connexes pour parvenir & agrave; cette position et fait r & eacute;f & eacute;rence tout du long & agrave; ses propres projets et & agrave; des projets communautaires. D'abord, elle pr & eacute;conise l'importance de la non-sp & eacute;cialisation et du croisement des fronti & egrave;res disciplinaires et de la cr & eacute;ation de probl & egrave;mes. La traduction, le changement de code et le partage de comp & eacute;tences doivent & ecirc;tre utilis & eacute;s comme outils pour fonctionner dans des domaines disparates. Elle donne l'exemple d'efforts communautaires qui expriment l'intention collective de modifier l'espace urbain en le percevant comme un terrain de jeu. Cette notion l'entra & icirc;ne vers un r & eacute;sum & eacute; des th & eacute;ories de l'invention par le jeu, notamment le jeu risqu & eacute; comme forme de jeu qui comporte de nombreux avantages collectifs. Elle associe ensuite l'int & eacute;r & ecirc;t du risque, de l'exp & eacute;rimentation et de la mise & agrave; l'& eacute;preuve des limites des r & egrave;gles & agrave; des processus cr & eacute;atifs et & agrave; certaines initiatives auxquelles elle participe et qui contestent d & eacute;lib & eacute;r & eacute;ment la r & egrave;glementation, parfois avec l'intention de s'opposer aux syst & egrave;mes coloniaux. Ces exemples la poussent & agrave; pr & eacute;senter un expos & eacute; sur les v & eacute;ritables avantages des efforts citoyens et amateurs pour donner du caract & egrave;re & agrave; l'espace social, puis & agrave; pr & eacute;coniser de percevoir le fait soi-m & ecirc;me & agrave; la fois comme un droit et un besoin. L'article se termine par un appel aux autorit & eacute;s pour trouver plus de moyens de faire confiance aux efforts amateurs et de leur confier des mandats.
In this essay, I consider how the field of public art in Canada has been shaped under municipal and developer-led policies that demand permanence. I look in particular to the municipality of Toronto, which, perhaps more than other cities in Canada, has been more rigidly attached to permanent forms of public art. Theoretically, I examine how scholars across disciplines, from art history, urban studies, performance theory and settler colonial studies, have variously approached the topic of permanence-a concept that is often taken for granted as an inherent part of the field yet remains undertheorized. While many writers have importantly addressed the inequities of urban public space amidst gentrification, development and displacement in the 1980s and 1990s, existing work on public art in Canada and the United States rarely addresses the context of settler colonialism. As such, I bring existing studies on public art in dialogue with contemporary critiques of settler place-making in public space. I further draw on performance studies' deep critiques of the western attachment with the permanent object and document, bringing this discipline's work on the permanent versus the ephemeral to bear on public art's reliance on permanence. Through these lenses, I aim to unpack the ideologies embedded in permanence and rationales for the widespread adoption of permanent public art. In the concluding sections, I question whether permanent public art can be truly ethical or compatible with efforts to support diverse and democratic societies in settler colonial states and look to artists who have directly undermined the supposed power of permanence with their work. Dans le pr & eacute;sent article, l'autrice & eacute;value la mani & egrave;re dont l'art public a & eacute;t & eacute; fa & ccedil;onn & eacute; au Canada en vertu de politiques municipales et de politiques dirig & eacute;es par des promoteurs qui visent la permanence. Elle examine tout particuli & egrave;rement la municipalit & eacute; de Toronto qui, peut-& ecirc;tre davantage que d'autres villes du Canada, est solidement li & eacute;e & agrave; des formes permanentes d'art public. En th & eacute;orie, l'autrice examine la fa & ccedil;on dont les chercheuses et chercheurs de diverses disciplines, que ce soit en histoire de l'art, en & eacute;tudes urbaines, en th & eacute;orie de la performance ou en & eacute;tudes coloniales, ont abord & eacute; de diverses mani & egrave;res le sujet de la permanence, un concept souvent tenu pour acquis qui fait partie inh & eacute;rente du domaine, mais demeure sous-th & eacute;oris & eacute;. Fait important, de nombreux chercheurs et chercheuses ont examin & eacute; les iniquit & eacute;s des espaces publics urbains dans un contexte de gentrification, d'am & eacute;nagements et de d & eacute;placements dans les ann & eacute;es 1980 et 1990, mais les oe uvres d'art public en place au Canada et aux & Eacute;tats-Unis abordent rarement le contexte du colonialisme de peuplement. & Agrave; cet & eacute;gard, l'autrice fait participer les & eacute;tudes existantes sur l'art public & agrave; un dialogue avec des critiques contemporains de l'am & eacute;nagement de divers lieux de l'espace public par les colons. De plus, elle puise dans les critiques profondes des & eacute;tudes de la performance sur l'attachement occidental pour l'objet et le document permanent, ce qui am & egrave;ne le travail de cette discipline sur la permanence par rapport & agrave; l'& eacute;ph & eacute;m & egrave;re & agrave; peser sur la d & eacute;pendance de l'art public envers la permanence. Dans cette optique, l'autrice vise & agrave; d & eacute;cortiquer les id & eacute;ologies ench & acirc;ss & eacute;es dans la permanence et les principes d'une acceptation g & eacute;n & eacute;ralis & eacute;e de l'art public permanent. Pour conclure, elle se demande si l'art public permanent peut vraiment & ecirc;tre & eacute;thique ou compatible avec les efforts pour soutenir des soci & eacute;t & eacute;s diversifi & eacute;es et d & eacute;mocratiques dans les & eacute;tats des colonies de peuplement et examine les artistes qui, par leurs oe uvres, ont directement sap & eacute; le pr & eacute;tendu pouvoir de la permanence.
Using Toronto as our case study, this article examines the ways in which the city's heritage industry may be improved by locating culture not only within the confines of a museum, but by engaging more deliberately with community-engaged artists whose work exists as both formal and informal public art. In Canada, Black people are underrepresented in the field of archives, and in the heritage sector, specifically museums, two institutions that play a significant role in the preservation, dissemination, and promotion of Canadian culture. This article probes the ethical question of why the selection process related to public art does not engage in dialogue with archives and the larger issue of how to preserve, protect and promote a diversity of interests, living spaces, and ecosystems. What is the potential value in collaboration between public art and the archive? What does it look like for public art to imagine the public sphere as an exhibition work rather than a static work of art? And in what ways does the archive hold the potential to disrupt colonial logics related to public art memory, storytelling, and heritage preservation? The authors argue that the archive is fundamental to knowledge sharing and that by thinking more deliberately about the efficacy of public art, we can begin to bring into conversation with people(s), place(s), and identities that are not traditionally thought of as fundamental to the notion of the "public" in public art. This article also examines the connection between Black Excellence and public art, arguing that the way some art exalts Black individuals over Black community is ultimately harmful to heritage commemoration. Se servant de Toronto comme & eacute;tude de cas, le pr & eacute;sent article analyse les fa & ccedil;ons d'am & eacute;liorer l'industrie du patrimoine de la Ville en situant la culture non seulement dans les confins d'un mus & eacute;e, mais en mobilisant de mani & egrave;re plus d & eacute;lib & eacute;r & eacute;e des artistes engag & eacute;s dans la communaut & eacute; dont les oe uvres existent & agrave; la fois sous forme d'art public formel et informel. Au Canada, les personnes noires sont sous-repr & eacute;sent & eacute;es dans le domaine des archives et dans le secteur patrimonial, notamment les mus & eacute;es, deux milieux qui jouent un r & ocirc;le important pour la pr & eacute;servation, la diffusion et la promotion de la culture canadienne. Le pr & eacute;sent article sonde la question & eacute;thique des raisons pour lesquelles le processus de s & eacute;lection li & eacute; & agrave; l'art public n'entame pas de dialogue avec les archives et la question plus vaste de la pr & eacute;servation, de la protection et de la promotion d'une diversit & eacute; d'int & eacute;r & ecirc;ts, d'espaces de vie et d'& eacute;cosyst & egrave;mes. Quelle est l'importance potentielle de la collaboration entre l'art public et les archives? & Agrave; quoi ressemble l'art public s'il imagine la sph & egrave;re publique comme un milieu d'exposition plut & ocirc;t que comme une oe uvre d'art statique? Et de quelle fa & ccedil;on les archives ont-elles le potentiel de perturber la logique coloniale li & eacute;e & agrave; la m & eacute;moire de l'art public, des histoires et de la pr & eacute;servation du patrimoine? Les autrices avancent que les archives sont fondamentales pour le partage des connaissances et qu'une r & eacute;flexion plus d & eacute;lib & eacute;r & eacute;e sur l'efficacit & eacute; de l'art public peut permettre de lancer des conversations avec les gens, les lieux et les identit & eacute;s qui ne sont g & eacute;n & eacute;ralement pas consid & eacute;r & eacute;s comme fondamentaux dans la notion du volet public de l'art public. Le pr & eacute;sent article traite & eacute;galement du lien entre l'excellence des Noirs et l'art public et fait valoir que la mani & egrave;re dont l'art exalte des personnes noires en particulier plut & ocirc;t que la communaut & eacute; noire est, au bout du compte, dommageable pour la comm & eacute;moration du patrimoine.
In this article, the author examines applied ethics of public art in action, highlighting how using applied ethics in public art calls on critical reflexivity, ethical approaches learned from social art and access-focused practices, other community-responsive frameworks, and anticolonial obligations. Challenging normative and market-driven ethical standards, this analysis foregrounds applied ethics as an active, inclusive, and dialogue-driven process, shaped by lived experiences and critical standpoints. Drawing examples from contemporary Canadian contexts, including artists' practices and the "Research 101" manifesto, the author emphasizes the importance of positionality, social support structures, and acknowledgement of institutional histories in ethical decision-making. This text also includes an examination of the impact of research ethics review processes on artists' approaches and practices. It offers a critical summary of the history leading to institutionalized ethical frameworks and tools and their applications today. In gathering together these practice examples and histories, the author recognizes an applied ethics of public art in Canada as a living process characterized by reflexive awareness of positionality, recognition of inherent support structures (such as kinship and social networks), awareness of institutional and rights-based ethics histories, recognition of community demands for situated ethics, and the need to meet anti-colonial obligations. Dans le pr & eacute;sent article, l'autrice examine l'& eacute;thique appliqu & eacute;e de l'art public en action et fait ressortir comment l'utilisation de l'& eacute;thique appliqu & eacute;e dans l'art public exige une r & eacute;flexivit & eacute; critique, des approches & eacute;thiques issues de l'art social et des pratiques ax & eacute;es sur l'acc & egrave;s, des cadres communautaires et les obligations anticoloniales. Remettant en question les crit & egrave;res normatifs et les normes & eacute;thiques ax & eacute;es sur le march & eacute;, cette analyse met de l'avant l'& eacute;thique appliqu & eacute;e sous forme de processus actif, inclusif et ax & eacute; sur le dialogue, fa & ccedil;onn & eacute; par des exp & eacute;riences v & eacute;cues et des positions critiques. Inspir & eacute;e par des contextes canadiens contemporains, y compris les pratiques artistiques et le manifeste & laquo; Research 101 & raquo;, l'autrice souligne l'importance du positionnement, des structures de soutien social et de la confirmation des histoires institutionnelles dans les d & eacute;cisions & eacute;thiques. Le pr & eacute;sent article inclut & eacute;galement un examen des effets des processus d'analyse & eacute;thiques de la recherche sur les approches et les pratiques artistiques. Il propose un sommaire critique de l'histoire qui a men & eacute; & agrave; des cadres et outils & eacute;thiques institutionnalis & eacute;s et & agrave; leurs applications actuelles. En regroupant ces exemples de pratique et ces histoires, l'autrice reconna & icirc;t qu'une & eacute;thique appliqu & eacute;e de l'art public au Canada est un processus vivant, caract & eacute;ris & eacute; par une sensibilisation r & eacute;flexive du positionnement, la reconnaissance des structures de soutien inh & eacute;rentes (telles que la parent & eacute; et les r & eacute;seaux sociaux), la sensibilisation aux histoires de l'& eacute;thique institutionnelle et fond & eacute;e sur les droits, la reconnaissance des exigences communautaires pour l'& eacute;thique situ & eacute;e et la n & eacute;cessit & eacute; de respecter des obligations anticoloniales.
Existing research raises crucial questions concerning anti-abortion success in Canada. What circumstances appear most conducive to anti-choice influence? Which social science theories permit analysts to develop explanations, generalizations, and predictions concerning counter-movement impact? This article, among the first to compare anti-feminist effectiveness at the provincial level, focuses on four jurisdictions where campaigns to restrict women's access to reproductive services combined standard pressure group strategies with violent attacks on providers and facilities. It probes the extent to which protest success depended on the presence of a traditionalist climate of opinion, the institutional connections of movement leaders or a synthetic combination of these factors. The study finds congenial attitudinal and leadership circumstances appeared to reinforce each other, a pattern discernible in Manitoba since the 1980s. Conversely, the disadvantages associated with a hostile climate of opinion and politically marginal protest leaders were evident in British Columbia during this period. The conclusion considers the implications of these results and proposes directions for further research. Les recherches actuelles soul & egrave;vent des questions cruciales sur les r & eacute;ussites antiavortement au Canada. Quelles situations semblent les plus propices & agrave; l'influence anti-choix? Quelles th & eacute;ories des sciences sociales permettent aux analystes d'& eacute;laborer des explications, des g & eacute;n & eacute;ralisations et des pr & eacute;dictions au sujet des r & eacute;percussions des contremouvements? Le pr & eacute;sent article, qui est l'un des premiers & agrave; comparer l'efficacit & eacute; antif & eacute;ministe sur la sc & egrave;ne provinciale, s'attarde & agrave; quatre territoires o & ugrave; les campagnes pour restreindre l'acc & egrave;s des femmes aux services reproductifs ont combin & eacute; les strat & eacute;gies de groupes de pression standards & agrave; des attaques violentes sur les fournisseurs de services et les & eacute;tablissements. Il sonde & agrave; quel point la r & eacute;ussite des protestations d & eacute;pendait de la pr & eacute;sence d'un climat d'opinion traditionnaliste, des relations des leaders de ces mouvements avec les & eacute;tablissements ou d'une combinaison synth & eacute;tique de ces facteurs. Selon l'& eacute;tude, des situations de leadership comportemental convivial semblaient se renforcer les unes les autres, d'apr & egrave;s un profil perceptible au Manitoba depuis les cx 1980. En revanche, les d & eacute;savantages associ & eacute;s & agrave; un climat d'opinion hostile et & agrave; des leaders protestataires marginaux & eacute;taient & eacute;vidents en Colombie-Britannique pendant cette p & eacute;riode. La conclusion tient compte des cons & eacute;quences de ces r & eacute;sultats et propose des orientations pour mener des recherches plus approfondies.
This review essay examines five recent volumes in the UBC Press Turning Point Elections series that individually cover electoral contests taking place in 1867, 1921, 1935, 1957/1958, and 1993. As Canadian elections have not received much historical attention the volumes are both ground-breaking and true to the claim of the title to the series in that they are indeed 'turning points' in Canadian electoral history, i.e. ones that signalled a significant shift in the nature of Canadian party competition. The review gives a sense of what each volume accomplishes while also assessing how the series advances, or not, the sub-discipline of political history itself. Cet essai de recension examine cinq volumes r & eacute;cents de la collection Turning Point Elections d'UBC Press, qui portent individuellement sur des scrutins tenus en 1867, 1921, 1935, 1957/1958 et 1993. Comme les & eacute;lections canadiennes ont suscit & eacute; relativement peu d'attention historique, ces ouvrages sont & agrave; la fois novateurs et fid & egrave;les & agrave; la promesse du titre de la collection, en ce qu'ils constituent bel et bien des << tournants >> de l'histoire & eacute;lectorale canadienne, c'est-& agrave;-dire des moments qui ont signal & eacute; un changement important dans la nature de la concurrence partisane au Canada. La recension donne une id & eacute;e de ce que chaque volume accomplit, tout en & eacute;valuant dans quelle mesure la collection fait progresser-ou non-la sous-discipline de l'histoire politique elle-m & ecirc;me.
