摘要 唐末入居福建長汀宣成，北宋中期遷到同縣的戴坊，清初又從戴坊搬到浙江江山廿八都鎮的戴氏移民所操之客家話，究竟在哪些方面保留宣成特色？哪些又是戴坊成分？受到通用於廿八都鎮當地的正話如何的影響？受更大範圍通行的吳語如何的左右？是否有上述因素之外的存古現象或自行演變？本文逐一剖析，以期了解江山長汀話的固有及外來層次、乃至語言演變歷史。以中古音系為間架，記錄長汀三洲鎮戴坊村、宣成鄉藍田村的語料，著重彼等在聲母、韻母、聲調的區別，進而觀察江山長汀話的各種組成部分。援用陳忠敏（2007）的工作方法，來離析出江山長汀話的固有及外來層次，而非推究原始客家話在語音上的出發點；且對於系統性的常規、和個別的非常規語音對應訊息同等重視。此研究經驗顯示，如欲探究特定地點的語言（江山長汀話）演變歷程，要先將在地強勢語言（正話、吳語）造成的影響成分先剔除出來，因為這屬於表層現象。其次和移民原鄉語言比對，有可能超過一種以上（宣成、三洲），因此非常複雜。最後才能確定不是來自原鄉和在地強勢語言的獨特存古或自行演變成分。調查結果能呼應何純惠（2014）紀錄，證明長汀中部與南部客家話，確實各有其特點，韻母、聲調上都具有明顯的類型差異。
摘要 本文在實地調查的基礎上，詳細考察贛南客家話鼻音的成音節化、去成音節化以及獨立成韻的現象。本文研究表明，贛南客家話鼻音成音節化的過程與多數漢語方言表現一致，即韻母元音脫落，鼻音聲母自成音節；m̩、n̩、ŋ̍之間的轉化與多數粵、客方言表現一致，即以前移為主（ŋ̍→m̩ 、ŋ̍→n̩或n̩→m̩）。本文認為，贛南客家話裡只有VN形式是成音節鼻音發生去成音節化而來，NVN形式則是在鼻音聲母和韻母高元音的雙重作用下演變而來。贛南客家話裡的鼻音還可以獨立成韻與各種聲母拼合，這種特殊現象與韻母主元音和鼻音韻尾都有關係。
Just as much valuable research on the history of French is written in French and important work on the history of Russian is written in Russian, many valuable contributions to Sino-Tibetan linguistics are written in the Sino-Tibetan language in question.There are Newar language publications on Newar, Tibetan language publications on Tibetan, and Meitei language publications on Meitei, but without question the most copious such research tradition is Chinese language research on the history of Chinese.Although the incidence of scholars outside of China who are able to consult Chinese language sources is thankfully high and ever increasing, the vast size of Chinese language scholarship alone still means that the new discoveries and insightful interpretations in this body of research are not uniformly taken into account in Western language scholarship.The language barrier, even if porous, is one reason for the formation of distinct 'camps' on important questions like the number of vowels in Old Chinese.The goal of this bcl Forum is to present critical discussions of the research traditions currently active in the prc on a selection of important topics in the history of Chinese.The idea for this Forum arose in the course of a lecture series at Renmin Daxue and other universities in Beijing that Nathan Hill gave in December 2019 in relationship to his then newly published book (Hill 2019).Nathan found that ma and PhD students attending these lectures had valuable insights on a number of topics that his recent monograph treated as unsolved or vexatious.In agreement with the bcl editorial board, a selection of topics was drawn up and a number of early career researchers were invited to submit papers addressing these themes.Dr. Lai Yunfan joined the project when the process of peer-review and editing became too complex for Nathan.We are pleased to be able to here offer three of these papers: "Middle Chinese labial softening" by Gāo Yìpéng 高艺鹏, "From Qièyùn to Guǎngyùn: An overview of the Qièyùn series rime books" by Jī Yuè 姬越, and "500 years of Old Chinese phonology: Research on the history of phonological scholarship from the Southern Song to the Ming dynasty" by 趙 昕 Zhào Xīn.Purely to improve legibility for an Anglophone audience, these three papers all employ Baxter's 1992 reconstructions of Middle Chinese and Baxter and Sagart's 2014 Old Chinese reconstructions.These choices do not constitute an endorsement of any particularities of these systems by either the authors or editors.In addition, the editors have made some effort to unify the translation of Chinese technical terminology across the three papers, but refrained from doing so in a mechanical way that might impair rather than facilitate the reader's comprehension.
摘要 本文考察中古梗攝陽聲韻字在贛方言中的讀音，以地圖的形式展示讀音分佈情況，嘗試從梗攝陽聲韻字讀音差異探討贛語和周邊方言的關係。贛語梗攝陽聲韻字文讀音受官話的影響，部分方言替換為官話讀音，部分方言疊置多個文讀層次。白讀層讀音顯示福建建寧一帶青韻部分字有別於庚三清韻字，属于存古；湖北陽新、湖南安仁等地梗攝陽聲韻字則併入宕江攝，顯示與湘語有過共同發展。
摘要 懷嶽片贛語咸山攝開口知系字元音往往高化，韻母今讀ɛn或en。東南方言中，咸山攝開口知三章組字元音高化存在閩粵型、吳湘型和客贛型的差別。懷嶽片贛語屬於客贛型，繼承自洪武移民時期的贛語，客贛方言咸山攝開口知三章組字元音高化可以追溯至唐宋時期。
摘要 摘 要：19世紀40年代末之後陸續進入中國客家地區傳教的天主教修會有法國巴黎外方傳教會和美國瑪利諾外方傳教會。巴黎外方傳教會於1850年到梅縣傳教，此後所編寫和出版的客家方言文獻主要有《客法詞典》（1901/1926）和《客家社會生活對話》（1937）；美國瑪利諾外方傳教會於1925年進入粵東嘉應地區傳教，隨後編寫和出版了《客話導論》（1926）和《客話讀本》（1948/1952）。此前學界有關《客法詞典》的研究成果較多，對上述其他文獻也有所涉獵，基本上都認為它們所記錄的客家方言屬於梅縣話。本文對上述文獻進一步進行梳理，並在田野調查的基礎上結合兩個修會的傳教歷史以及文獻作者的傳教經歷，對過往主流的“梅縣說”提出質疑，明確提出天主教客家方言文獻的語言特點具有一定的混雜性，但主體特徵與粵東平遠、蕉嶺一帶的客家方言更為接近的觀點。
摘要 湖北武漢湖泗方言“打”字有三個讀音，其中表示“投擲、扔”和“擊打”義讀音為[tɕiã44]、[tɕiã23]。李榮先生認為可能反映了古音“打，都挺切”，同時又指出，湖泗話“古上聲怎麼分化成陰平、陰去兩類，有待進一步研究”。本文考察漢語南北方言相關資料，所有表示“投擲、扔”和“擊打”義讀音的來源均為中古端母、梗攝開口四等、清聲母平聲或清聲母去聲，聲調沒有清聲母上聲的來源。所以本字不可能是“都挺切”的“打”。 如果說一定要有本字，最有可能的本字是“碇（矴）”，由“碇（矴）石”拋入水中以固定船身的動作，引申出“沉入水裡”和“投擲、扔”義。
Labiodentalization was an important phonetic change in Middle Chinese sounds. This essay introduces and analyzes Chinese scholars’ views and arguments on some problems on labiodentalization. These problems contain the exact time when the labiodentals developed from the bilabials in phonetic value, the condition of development and a special phenomenon of the onset spellers in the Division- III rhymes.
摘要 「過」可以構成「V過」短語，表示以V所指的位移方式跨越某處。包括臺灣海陸客語在內的南方漢語的這種短語亦可表示“為了修正或補償再做一次V所指的動作”，如，「寫過」表示“再寫一次”。這種「過」稱為重行體標記或補償體標記（簡稱“重行「過」”）。本文主要對以往的研究補充一些臺灣客語的共時層面和歷時層面的重行「過」的材料，並討論以海陸客語為中心的南方漢語的重行「過」的詞義以及語法化途徑。結論為：重行「過」的核心語義為“謂語動詞所指的動作行為從頭到尾做一遍，做得完善”，而“再做”義和“修正”義等是通過“語境引發的重新解釋”(Heine & Kuteva 2002:2) 而產生的。這有兩種途徑。一種是，「過」常與「重新」、「再」、「再過」等“再做”義副詞共現，構成「再V過」等格式，而在這個格式裡副詞的“再做”義沾染到「過」字上。另一種是，「V過」常用在需要通過再做已經做過的動作而加以修正的語境裡。這種語境會促使「過」獲得“再做”義和“修正”義。這種「過」有可能派生於南宋《朱子語類》中的“從頭到尾做一遍”義的「過」（楊永龍2001）。重行「過」具體的語法化步驟如下：(i)作為趨向補語表示跨越空間或時間；(ii)作為趨向補語和體標記，表示V所指的動作從頭到尾做一遍；(iii)作為體標記，表示為了修正或補償再做一次V所指的動作；(iv)作為體標記，只表示再做一次某種動作。
摘要 古全濁聲母真正保持“濁音”的漢語方言已經不多，濁音在漢語方言中的演變大都走“清化”的主流，濁音清化後的音韵格局也各有不同，在漢語語音史上非常引人注目，而都昌方言不僅完整保留濁音，濁音演變也很有特色，還有全濁和次清聲母合流的獨特格局，漢語多數方言塞音塞擦音都是送氣和不送氣對立，而都昌方言是清與濁的對立，從演化音系上的角度看，這些都是值得研究的地方。本文以都昌縣城話的田野調查材料爲基礎，對都昌方言的全濁聲母和次清聲母字今讀作全面概述，對都昌話“濁音”進行語音學分析，認爲其濁音是常態帶音和它的自由變體內爆音及鼻冠塞音。論文從近音化、流音化和擦音清化三方面探討了都昌濁音的演變。論文最後就都昌方言濁音性質和次清聲母讀同全濁問題作了一些討論。有一種觀點認爲，中古漢語古全濁聲母是弛聲，弛聲消失後低調變爲送氣清音，高調變爲不送氣清音。都昌方言古全濁聲母是常態帶聲，且全濁字和次清字聲母合流後不同調，上述假說無法解釋都昌話全濁聲母和次清聲母合流，必須尋求另外的解釋。
摘要 大部分畲族所使用的語言是一種接近客家話的漢語方言，習慣上叫做畲話。浙江景寧畲族自治縣的畲族所說的畲話，古全濁聲母今讀清塞音、清塞擦音時存在較多不送氣的情形，主要是由通語、閩語、吳語的不同影響造成的層次累積，在確定畲話的性質時應當排除這一部分字音。
The Qièyùn Series rime books ( Qièyùn-xì yùnshū 切韻系韻書), not only the two complete editions, the Kānmiù Bǔquē Qièyùn 刊謬補缺切韻 (also known as Wángyùn 王韻) and Guǎngyùn 廣韻, but also many other fragments, are of great importance in studying Middle Chinese phonology. This paper aims to comprehensively introduce the materials of the Qièyùn Series rime books, from the original Qièyùn 切韻 to later revised editions until the Five Dynasties ( Wǔdài 五代), including essential research on them. And finally, by using specific examples, this article summarized the development from the Qièyùn 切韻 to the Guǎngyùn 廣韻 through the four-century-long history of revision and extension.
Abstract This paper discusses hermeneutics arising from a fastidious reading of Adam C. Schwartz (2019) which is an English translation with commentary of the Oracle-Bone Inscriptions from Yinxu Huayuanzhuang Locus East, one of the most contextually cohesive, and archeologically well-documented, collection of OBI (acronym of “oracle-bone inscriptions”) unearthed to date. The paper underscores the importance of methodology of reading OBI. It will be seen that Schwartz’s book suffers from the lack of disciplined application of any particular persuasion. It is, in this sense, disappointing, though there is much else in the book that offers original ideas. As for the English translations Schwartz provides for each and every inscription of the collection, many are questionable (even unreliable), a few incomprehensible, and this is due mainly to failure of procuring a relevant bibliography and acquiring technical (linguistic) finesse to grasp and assess some important issues in the literature written in English.
摘要 本文探索現在閩南語中「煞」的句法語義表現。「煞」為多功能的語詞，可充當動詞、動相補語、連接性副詞及助詞。「煞」的語義轉變都與它的句法結構位置息息相關。從「煞」和其他功能範疇的相對語序，可以驗證句法位置與語義詮釋的互動關係。從功能範疇層級觀點來看，「煞」充當動詞，因在動詞詞組中，所以可以預測出現於否定轄域中；而表言談層次或發話者取向的「煞」佔據句標階層中語勢之上的言談行為層，因此必然會出現於否定詞之前。此外，句末助詞所表現的主觀估量語義也反映出其位居言談行為層的結構特性。
One of the most common morphemes meaning “mother” in the Hakka dialects is a syllable pronounced [oi1], [ɔi1], or the like. This word, so far as is known, has no phonologically systematic cognates in other Chinese dialect families and is not attested in early Sinographic records. Nor has any plausible non-Sinitic donor language been identified for it. The object of the present paper is to suggest a possible earlier origin for this word. Our hypothesis is that it is in fact a fusion of a Common Neo-Hakka compound *a1 moi1, in which the first element is a kinship prefix and the second is a word whose basic meaning is “mother, aunt, etc.” The paper then suggests that the morpheme *moi1 descends from an even older, pre-Hakka word *moi4, which may in turn have been related in some way to the pre-Hàn word mǔ 母 “mother”.
摘要 殷墟甲骨文“其”字用於知、言、行三域，主要表情態。“其”在知域中表可能性，在正反對貞卜辭中構建矛盾等關係；在言域中表允許，其後在西周金文中進一步虛化表希冀語氣；在行域中表將來時間。這些用法在認知上存在著內在的聯繫。“其”的情態功能與遠指功能之間也有關聯，並延伸至消極情感的表達，這正是司禮義“其”字規則形成的基礎。另外，甲骨文“其”是助詞，具有依附性，一般後附綴於否定詞；與此同時，“其”字前移在句法上已初顯端倪。
This article introduces research on Old Chinese phonology before the Qing dynasty by reviewing the important relevant literature of recent intellectual historians. The article has six parts. The first section is an introduction. The second through fourth parts review the views and arguments over how to understand the works of several important linguists, treating respectively the Southern Song (§ 2, containing Wú Yù 吳棫, Zhū Xī 朱熹 etc.), the Yuan (§ 3, containing Dài Tóng 戴侗, Liú Yùrǔ 劉玉汝, Xióng Pénglái 熊朋來 etc.), and the Ming (§ 4, containing Yáng Shèn 楊慎, Jiāo Hóng 焦竑, Chén Dì 陳第 etc.). Section 5 discusses several methodological issues that concern researchers today, including the historical emergence of three methodologies and methodological issues in researching the history of scholarship. Finally, I point out those topics in need of further investigation.
2003–2008 Founding Board of Directors創會董事名單: Hung-Nin Samuel Cheung張洪年 (Professor Emeritus, University of California, Berkeley; Professor,Hong Kong University of Science andTechnology加州大學柏克萊校區榮休教授、香港科技大學教授); South Coblin柯蔚南 (Professor, Iowa University愛我華大學教授); C.-T. James Huang黃正德 (Professor, Harvard University哈佛大學教授); Tsu-Lin Mei梅祖麟 (Hu Shih Professor Emeritus, Cornell University康 奈爾大學榮休胡適講座教授); Ken-ichi Takashima高嶋謙一 (Professor, University of British Columbia 英屬哥倫比亞大學教授); Pang-Hsin Ting丁邦新 (Agassiz Professor Emeritus, University of California, Berkeley; Professor, Hong Kong University of Science and Technology加州大學柏克萊校區榮休 Agassiz 講座教授、香港科技大學教授); Anne Yue-Hashimoto余靄芹 (Professor, University of Washington華 盛頓大學教授)
The prevailing internal reconstruction of the Classical Tibetan verbal system accounts for all ablaut phenomena as innovations triggered by erstwhile segmental affixes. The traditional account cannot be correct, because the paradigms of nine verbs show -o- in the present stem without g- and a further three verbs show g- in the present without -o-. 1
