Representations of minority groups are often examined through mainstream media perspectives, while less attention has been given to how minorities construct and negotiate their own identities through self-representation in media spaces. This article explores how the development of new media has enabled greater participation and representation among minority groups, with a particular focus on the Shia and Ahmadiyya communities in Indonesia. It analyzes how these religious minorities develop and utilize various forms of self-directed communication, referred to as "media by minorities", and examines the broader social functions of such media practices. Using Robert Putnams' theory of social capital as an analytical framework, this study draws on in-depth interviews with key informants from both communities. The findings indicate that increasing openness facilitated by the digital media environment has encouraged minority groups to establish diverse media platforms as instruments of self-representation and community engagement. These media initiatives serve two primary functions. First, they act as a bridging mechanism that facilitates communication, understanding, and interaction between minority communities and the wider society, particularly majority groups. Second, they function as a bonding mechanism that strengthens solidarity, collective identity, and internal relationships within the communities. However, despite this increased openness, digital media environments have not fully eliminated negative narratives toward minority groups.
Early Ismāʻīlī belief describes the advent of the seventh imam as qiyāma. However, this qiyāma does not signify the end of the world. Rather, it marks the end of the era of concealment (satr), which began with the first imam, and the beginning of the era of revelation (kashf). This event is also understood as the moment when the Sharīʻa (Islamic law) will be abolished. Throughout history, certain Ismā’īlī groups have believed that the Qāʼim, the seventh imam, had already appeared and attempted to live a utopian life without Sharīʻa. These beliefs, along with historical experiences associated with them, gave rise to accusations of antinomianism (ibāḥa) against the Ismāʻīlīs. The present study seeks to clarify the Ismā’īlī understanding of the abolition of Sharīʻa by examining the views of prominent missionaries (dāʻī) who may be regarded as the founders of this intellectual tradition. It argues that Ismāʻīlī authors generally agreed that the Sharīʻa would remain in force until qiyāma, after which a period without it would begin.[Dalam keyakinan awal Ismāʻīlī, kemunculan imam ketujuh digambarkan sebagai qiyāma. Namun, qiyāma ini tidak menandakan akhir dunia. Sebaliknya, ia menandai berakhirnya era penyembunyian (satr), yang dimulai sejak imam pertama, serta dimulainya era peningkapan (kashf). Peristiwa ini juga dipahami sebagai saat ketika hukum Islam (Sharīʻa) akan dihapuskan. Sepanjang sejarah, beberapa kelompok Ismāʻīlī meyakini bahwa Qā’im, yaitu imam ketujuh, telah muncul dan berupaya menjalani kehidupan utopis tanpa Sharīʻa. Keyakinan-keyakinan ini, bersama dengan pengalaman historis yang berkaitan dengannya, memunculkan tuduhan antinomianisme (ibāḥa) terhadap kaum Ismāʻīlī. Kajian ini bertujuan untuk memperjelas pemahaman Ismā’īlī mengenai penghapusan Sharīʻa dengan menelaah pandangan para misionaris terkemuka yang dapat dianggap sebagai para perintis tradisi intelektual ini. Kajian ini berargumen bahwa para penulis Ismāʻīlī pada umumnya sepakat bahwa Sharīʻa akan tetap berlaku hingga qiyāma, setelah itu barulah dimulai suatu periode tanpa keberlakuannya.]
While Pan-Islamism is commonly framed as a nineteenth-century political discourse emerging from the Ottoman response to Western imperialism, this article argues that Aceh, a westernmost province of todays' Indonesia, articulated earlierforms of Islamic solidarity thatmay be considered as aproto-Pan-Islamicimaginaries. Adopting a conceptual--historical and historiographical approach, the study critically synthesizes historical narratives, available in modern scholarship to examine how Acehnese actors positioned their polity within transregional Islamic networks. Rather than claiming the existence of modern Pan-Islamism avant la lettre, the article traces three interrelated dimensions of Acehs' early Islamic political imagination; cosmopolitan connectivity, transregional Muslim belonging, and resistance to imperial encroachment, shaped through sustained engagements with major Islamic centers such as Mecca, Persia, the Mughal world, and Istanbul. These connections informed Acehs'political culture, religious authority, and self-representation as a Muslim power in Southeast Asia. In dialogue with Cemil Aydins' argument that Pan-Islamism and the notion of a unified "Muslim world" crystallized in the nineteenth century, this article suggests that Acehs' earlier experiences provided historical conditions that later rendered such global Islamic consciousness intelligible. By foregroundingAceh as an active imperialperiphery, the article challenges Eurocentricperiodization and recenters Southeast Asia within global Islamic intellectual history.
The Egyptian parliamentary debates on the criminalization of adultery reveal how Shar & imacr;'a is invoked to penalize conduct that does not correspond to the conceptual foundations, definitions, evidentiary standards, orprocedural rules of zin & amacr; in Islamic jurisprudence. This article examines how opposing sides in these debates construct their legal arguments and deploy distinct modes of reasoning, each grounding its position in Shar & imacr;'a to justify the penalization of adultery. It asks why Shar & imacr;'a doctrines of zin & amacr; are mobilized to legitimize the criminalization of adultery in Egyptian criminal law. The article argues that this strategy generates ambiguity, inconsistency, and doctrinal indeterminacy, while simultaneously undermining the function of modern criminal law within the framework of the modern state. In doing so, it produces a distorted mode of rearticulating Shar & imacr;'a within contemporary legal institutions. Finally, the article contends that any attempt to reclaim Shar & imacr;'a within the modern state must take into account the public function of criminal justice institutions, particularly their role in securing constitutional values such as fairness, nondiscrimination,justice, and equality.
This article constitutes the first section of a two-part study designed to form a single, coherent work on a hypothetical reconstruction of the lostQur'& amacr;nic commentary of al-Suy & umacr;ti, Majma'al-Bahrayn wa Matla' al-Badrayn. The present part serves as an introduction, offering a critical investigation into the scholarly persona of the Egyptian polymath of the BurjiMaml & umacr;k period. It focuses particularly on the complexity of his intellectual persona as a prolific author, followed by an examination of how he conceived of himself as a Qur'anic exegete and how transmitted reports (riw & amacr;y & amacr;t) occupied a position of high authority within his exegetical framework. Al-Suy & umacr;ti engaged in intense scholarly confrontations with his contemporaries, most notably al-Sakh & amacr;wi (d. 902/1497), which involved accusations of plagiarism and sharp criticism of his intellectual methods. Conversely, his defense of Sufi figures such as Ibn 'Arabi (d. 638/1240) against charges of takfir reveals apronounced spiritual inclination, an aspect often overshadowed by his image as a muhaddith-cum-exegete employing a radical report-based method in al-Durr al-Manth & umacr;r. Within the broaderfield of Qur'& amacr;nic exegesis, al-Suy & umacr;ti is generally recognized through five works: al-Itq & amacr;n, al-Durr al-Manth & umacr;r, Qatf al-Azh & amacr;r, Naw & amacr;hid al-Abk & amacr;r, and the first part of Tafsir al-Jal & amacr;layn. We argue that only when these five works are considered collectively can one begin to apprehend the ambitious and comprehensive exegetical project that reflects al-Suy & umacr;tis' original scholarly vision.
Religious and cultural pluralism has introduced a new approach that differs from classical European orientalism, taking into account the historical, socio-cultural, and political transformations experienced by Western societies in their shift from monoculturalism to pluralism. Contemporary Western scholars, philosophers, and theologians have given significant space to Islamic components, offering pluralism as one of the most objective frameworks for interacting with Islam. Hans Küng stands out among other thinkers for his objectivity, courage, and ability to deconstruct Orientalist assumptions that approach Islam from a narrow ideological perspective. This study explores Küng’s main ideas and projects, particularly his concepts of global ethics, pluralism, interfaith dialogue, competing paradigms, and the reinterpretation of the friend-enemy dichotomy. This study shows that Küng’s theological and philosophical foundation in interacting with Islam is closely related to his personal experiences and intellectuality. This led him to initiate a global ethics project as a moral foundation for interfaith dialogue. Küng positions Islam in the context of cosmic pluralism as an important component in the equation of international peace and interfaith dialogue, not only through its tolerant teachings, but also through its rich legal and philosophical heritage, which has contributed to the advancement of human civilization. Therefore, he calls for a reinterpretation of Islam and a deconstruction of contemporary Muslim challenges through competing paradigms to find a viable way out of the current crisis of civilization.[Pluralisme agama dan budaya telah memperkenalkan pendekatan baru yang berbeda dari pembacaan orientalistik Eropa klasik, dengan mempertimbangkan transformasi historis, sosio-budaya, dan politik yang dialami oleh masyarakat Barat dalam pergeseran mereka dari monokulturalisme ke pluralisme. Cendekiawan, filsuf, dan teolog Barat kontemporer telah memberikan tempat yang signifikan bagi komponen Islam, dengan menawarkan pluralisme sebagai salah satu kerangka kerja paling objektif untuk berinteraksi dengan Islam. Hans Küng menonjol di antara para pemikir lainnya karena objektivitasnya, keberaniannya, dan kemampuannya untuk mendekonstruksi asumsi-asumsi orientalistik yang mendekati Islam dari perspektif ideologis yang sempit. Studi ini mengeksplorasi gagasan dan proyek utama Küng, terutama konsepnya tentang etika global, pluralisme, dialog antaragama, paradigma yang bersaing, dan reinterpretasi dikotomi teman dan musuh. Studi ini menunjukkan bahwa landasan teologis dan filosofis Küng dalam berinteraksi dengan Islam sangat berkaitan erat dengan pengalaman pribadi dan intelektualitasnya. Hal tersebut membawanya untuk menggagas proyek etika global sebagai landasan moral untuk dialog antaragama. Küng memposisikan Islam dalam konteks pluralisme kosmis sebagai komponen penting dalam persamaan perdamaian internasional dan dialog antaragama, tidak hanya melalui ajaran-ajarannya yang toleran, tetapi juga melalui warisan yuridis dan filosofisnya yang kaya, yang telah berkontribusi pada kemajuan peradaban manusia. Oleh karena itu, ia menyerukan reinterpretasi Islam dan dekonstruksi tantangan Muslim kontemporer melalui metodologi paradigma yang bersaing untuk menemukan jalan keluar yang layak dari krisis peradaban saat ini.]
This article evaluates a volcanic reading of theQuranicphrase f"& amacr;ra al-tann & umacr;r" (Q 11:40; 23:27). Starting from the widely accepted sense of the root f-w-r as "overflowing", it asks whether, forthe early-seventh-century Hij & amacr;z & imacr; community, al-tann & umacr;r could denote a volcanicfeature; where it might be located; whetherits eruption can be dated; and how testable these answers are in light of geological and archaeological evidence. The study applies four criteria-internal evidence, comparative philology, narrative function, and external corroboration-to evaluate the volcanic-eruption scenario, revealing its comparability with the ancient Hell-tann & umacr;r theological cluster that pairs f & amacr;ra al-tann & umacr;r with Hell taf & umacr;r (Q 67:7). Through a systematic survey of aglobal volcanic database, the article isolates the Tend & uuml;rek volcano (located in eastern Turkey) as a compelling candidate on philological and onomastic grounds. Published volcanological work on Tend & uuml;rek is used to establish a temporal windowfora major eruptive activity, which this study suggests as a noteworthy temporal correlation with an intersecting demographic bottleneck visible in the archaeological record. As a case study in Quranic hermeneutics, the article offers a testable framework that links philologicalgrounding, a concrete locus, and aprovisional temporal window to a plausible, intersecting demographic event, indicating how further research could refine orfalsify the proposal.
This article examines the rise of the Muslim biker movement in Indonesia through an ethnographic case study of Bikers Subuhan (BS), a motorcycle-based community that promotes congregational dawn (Subuh) prayers. Over the past eight years, BS has expanded to 108 chapters across Indonesian cities, driven by interpersonal networks, ritualised rides such as the Safar Ride, and intensive social media engagement. Drawing on Dominik M & uuml;llers' concept of Pop-Islamism, which theorizes the integration of Islamist ideas into popular culture, the study analyzes how BS blends religious piety with lifestyle appeal to mobilize urban Muslimyouth. Based on six months of fieldwork in Solo, Central Java, including participant observation, digital ethnography, and interviews, the article argues that BS operates less as a hobbyist club and more as an Islamist movement leveraging motorcycle culture for ideological outreach. While it maintains apublic image of casual community engagement, it internally circulates Islamist discourses, including support for Islamic law and the establishment of an Islamic state. The study contributes to scholarship on Islamic activism by showing how leisure-basedpractices function as vehicles for religious and ideological mobilization.
Religious and cultural pluralism has introduced a new approach that differs from classical European orientalism, taking into account the historical, socio-cultural, and political transformations experienced by Western societies in their shift from monoculturalism to pluralism. Contemporary Western scholars, philosophers, and theologians have given significant space to Islamic components, offering pluralism as one of the most objective frameworks for interacting with Islam. Hans K & uuml;ng stands out among other thinkers for his objectivity, courage, and ability to deconstruct Orientalist assumptions that approach Islam from a narrow ideological perspective. This study explores K & uuml;ngs' main ideas and projects, particularly his concepts of global ethics, pluralism, interfaith dialogue, competing paradigms, and the reinterpretation of the friend-enemy dichotomy. This study shows that K & uuml;ngs' theological and philosophical foundation in interacting with Islam is closely related to his personal experiences and intellectuality. This led him to initiate aglobal ethics project as a moral foundation for interfaith dialogue. K & uuml;ng positions Islam in the context of cosmic pluralism as an important component in the equation of international peace and interfaith dialogue, not only through its tolerant teachings, but also through its rich legal andphilosophical heritage, which has contributed to the advancement of human civilization. Therefore, he calls for a reinterpretation of Islam and a deconstruction of contemporary Muslim challenges through competing paradigms to find a viable way out of the current crisis of civilization. [Pluralisme agama dan budaya telah memperkenalkanpendekatan baruyang berbeda dari pembacaan orientalistik Eropa klasik, dengan mempertimbangkan transformasi historis, sosio-budaya, danpolitikyang dialami oleh masyarakat Barat dalam pergeseran mereka dari monokulturalisme ke pluralisme. Cendekiawan, filsuf, dan teolog Barat kontemporer telah memberikan tempat yang signifikan bagi komponen Islam, dengan menawarkan pluralisme sebagai salah satu kerangka kerja paling objektif untuk berinteraksi dengan Islam. Hans K & uuml;ng menonjol di antaraparapemikir lainnya karena objektivitasnya, keberaniannya, dan kemampuannya untuk mendekonstruksi asumsi-asumsi orientalistikyang mendekati Islam dari perspektif ideologisyang sempit. Studi ini mengeksplorasi gagasan dan proyek utama K & uuml;ng, terutama konsepnya tentang etika global, pluralisme, dialog antaragama, paradigmayang bersaing, dan reinterpretasi dikotomi teman dan musuh. Studi ini menunjukkan bahwa landasan teologis dan filosofis K & uuml;ng dalam berinteraksi dengan Islam sangat berkaitan erat dengan pengalaman pribadi dan intelektualitasnya. Hal tersebutmembawanya untuk menggagasproyek etika global sebagai landasan moral untuk dialog antaragama. K & uuml;ng memposisikan Islam dalam konteks pluralisme kosmis sebagai komponen penting dalam persamaan perdamaian internasional dan dialog antaragama, tidak hanya melalui ajaran-ajarannya yang toleran, tetapi juga melalui warisanyuridis dan filosofisnyayang kaya, yang telah berkontribusi pada kemajuan peradaban manusia. Oleh karena itu, ia menyerukan reinterpretasi Islam dan dekonstruksi tantangan Muslim kontemporer melalui metodologi paradigmayang bersaing untuk menemukan jalan keluaryang layak dari krisis peradaban saat ini.]
This article demonstrates that womens' experiences within religious movements are diverse and multifaceted, shaped by a complex interplay of social factors. in Jambi City, it applies an intersectional lens to examine how gender and class dynamics influence Muslim womens' experiences within the movement, such as their space, roles, and performance. Drawing on in-depth interviews, participant observation, and the movements' archival materials, the study analyzes the identities and activism of GERAMIs' women members. The findings suggest that the intersectionality of gender identities enables the movement to function not only as a source of Muslim womens' identity formation but also as a means of reinforcing or contesting gendered social structures. The intersection of various forms of individual capital significantly shapes members' roles and performances within the movement, thereby constructing internal hierarchies. The article argues that the convergence of diverse social identities within a Qur'anic movement can inadvertently produce hierarchical power dynamics, leading to the emergence of new gendered public spaces and class structures within the movement itself.
This article examines the gap between regulations and practices concerning childrens' deradicalization in Indonesia. The study analyses four regulations on deradicalization in comparison to the practices observed in fourpesantrens (Islamic boarding schools) in the country between 2019 and 2023. The findings reveal that Indonesian deradicalization regulations remain predominantly adult-oriented and have not systematically addressed the fundamental needs of children. They emphasise nationalism, religious moderation, entrepreneurship, and rehabilitation, while education is framed merely as a mean of instilling nationalist and moderate religious values, concepts more aligned with adult-focused programmes. In contrast, the practical implementation of childrens' deradicalization highlights education as theirprimary necessity. Education is viewed as a long-term strategy for social reintegration to ensure a betterfuture for these children. Furthermore, critical aspects such as administrative citizenship, psychological rehabilitation, and disengagement should also receive attention. Future regulations and practices must integrate these dimensions to more effectively support the deradicalization of children associated with terrorism. [Artikel ini mengkaji disparitas antara regulasi dan praktik deradikalisasi anak di Indonesia. Studi ini menganalisis empat peraturan mengenai deradikalisasi dibandingkan denganpraktik di empat pesantren di Indonesia antara tahun 2019 dan 2023. Temuan ini menunjukkan bahwaperaturan deradikalisasi di Indonesia masih sebagian besar berorientasi pada orang dewasa dan belum secara sistematis memenuhi kebutuhan mendasar anakanak. Peraturan-peraturan ini menekankan nasionalisme, moderasi beragama, kewirausahaan, dan rehabilitasi, sedangkan pendidikan dibingkai hanya sebagai sarana untuk menanamkan nilai-nilai nasionalis dan agama moderat, konsep ini lebih selaras dengan program yang berfokus pada deradikalisasi untuk orang dewasa. Sebaliknya, implementasipraktis deradikalisasi anakanak menyoroti pendidikan sebagai kebutuhan utama mereka. Pendidikan dipandang sebagai strategi jangka panjang untuk reintegrasi sosial, yang menjamin masa depan yang lebih baik bagi anak-anak. Selain itu, aspek penting seperti administrasi kewarganegaraan, rehabilitasi psikologis, dan pemisihan dari kelompok mereka sebelumnya juga harus dipertimbangkan. Peraturan dan praktik di masa depan harus mengatasi dimensi-dimensi ini agar lebih efektif mendukung deradikalisasi anak-anakyang terkait dengan terorisme.]
Islamophobia in Malaysia remains a complex and under-exploredphenomenon. This case especially occurs within the context of Muslim-majority society where both internal and external factors fuel hostility. Existing legal frameworks such as the Sedition Act and Penal Code inadequately address systemic and subtle Islamophobia, particularly in digital spaces. This study employs socio-political and legal analysis to examine how Islamophobia manifests in Malaysias' context. The paperalso explores the limitations of current policies. Itarguesfor a dedicated anti-Islamophobia legalframework aligns with international human rights standards and advocates for multi-stakeholder cooperation, incorporating both civil and Syariah law systems alongside educational initiatives to counter prejudice andpromote religious harmony. The findings suggest that only through nuance, inclusive strategies can Malaysia effectively confront Islamophobia while respecting freedom of expression and multicultural coexistence. [Islamofobia di Malaysia merupakan fenomena kompleks dan minim dieksplorasi. Kondisi ini utamanya dalam masyarakatmayoritas Muslim. yang dipengaruhi oleh faktor internal dan eksternal sebagai pemicu permusuhan. Kerangka hukum yang ada seperti Undang-Undang Hasutan dan Kitab Undang-Undang Hukum Pidana belum secara memadai menangani Islamofobia yang bersifat sistemik dan halus, khususnya dalam dunia digital. Studi ini menggunakan analisis sosial-politik dan hukum untuk mengkaji manifestasi Islamofobia dalam konteks Malaysia. Riset ini juga membahas keterbatasan kebijakanyang ada. Penelitian ini berargumen bahwa diperlukan kerangka hukum anti-Islamofobia yang menjunjung standar hak asasi manusia internasional, serta kerja sama antara sistem hukum sipil dan Syariah, disertai inisiatif pendidikan untuk melawan prasangka dan mendorong harmoni antaragama. Temuan menunjukkan bahwa hanya melalui strategi inklusif dan bernuansa Malaysia dapat menghadapi Islamofobia secara efektif sambil menghormati kebebasan berekspresi dan keberagaman budaya.]
This paper addresses the proliferation of prophetic movements and mimetic religions in medieval Islamic North Africa, focusing on the Barghw & amacr;ta and Ghum & amacr;ra tribes. It critiques medieval Arabic and Orientalist terminologies used to explain this complex issue, arguing that they fail to capture the dynamics of these movements. The paper introduces the concept of mimetic religion to interpret localized prophetic movements that emerged on the periphery of the established religion, namely Islam, retaining its structure while presenting parallel, rather than counteractive, religio-cultural projects. Drawing on primary sources, it highlights how misrule and exploitative practices by early conquerors fueled North African resistance, leading to revolutionary and prophetic movements. It challenges both medieval historiographical reductions of these movements to sectarianism and modern interpretations shaped by French colonial Orientalism, which often reduced them to ethnic or religious conflicts between Arab-Muslim conquerors and indigenous North Africans. By analyzing primary sources and questioning Orientalist biases, the paper emphasizes the interplay of political, economic, social, and cultural factors in shaping North African religious settings. Ultimately, it defines new boundaries for re-contextualizing and re-interpreting mimetic religion as expressive of a complex texture framing religious, cultural, and social nomenclature rooted in local North African indigenous heritage.
This article provides an alternative historical explanation that challenges the monolithicportrayal of premodern Muslim polities. Prevailing narratives often emphasize Islam as the sole dominant identity, relegating Southeast Asia to the p'eriphery' of the Islamic world and reducing the Ottoman governance to purely Islamic ideals. This article reconsiders how Muslim polities in the fifteenth century forged legitimacy through strategies that were neithermonolithic nor exclusively Islamic. Focusing on the Sultanate of Pasai in Sumatra and the Ottoman Empire in Constantinople, it demonstrates how rulers embedded themselves in multiple traditions, Islamic, Indic, indigenous, and Greco-Roman Christian, at once. Through textual analysis of primary texts, Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai, Tarih-i Eb & uuml;l'Fath, T & acirc;rih-i Bey & acirc;n-& imath; Bin & acirc;-y & imath; Ayasofya-y & imath; Keb & icirc;r, and History of Mehmed the Conqueror, this study demonstrates that both Pasai and the Ottomans integrated hybrid traditions to construct their sovereignty. Highlighting these multilayered repertoires adopts a polycentric rather than center-periphery framework, one in which SoutheastAsia and the Mediterranean emerge as dynamic, interconnected sites of Muslim statecraft. [Artikel ini menawarkan sebuah penjelasan historis alternatif yang ingin menantanggambaran monolitik tentang kerajaan muslimpramodern. Narasi yang dominan selama ini masih cenderung menekankan Islam sebagai identitas tunggalyang mendominasi, sehingga menempatkan Asia Tenggara sebagai "pinggiran dunia Islam" dan mereduksi identitas Kekaisaran Utsmani hanya menjadi sekadar Islam semata. Artikel ini meninjau kembali bagaimana Kerajaan Muslim pada abad kelima belas membangun legitimasi melalui strategi yang tidak bersifat monolitik maupun eksklusif Islami. Dengan studi kasus Kesultanan Pasai di Sumatra dan Kekaisaran Utsmani di Konstantinopel, artikel ini menunjukkan bagaimana para penguasa menggabungkan berbagai tradisi sekaligus, Islam, lokal, Indic, dan Greko-Romawi Kristen. Melalui analisis beberapa teksprimerseperti HikayatRaja-Raja Pasai, Tarih-i Eb & uuml;l'Fath, T & acirc;rih-i Bey & acirc;n-& imath; Bin & acirc;-y & imath; Ayasofya-y & imath; Keb & icirc;r, dan History of Mehmed the Conqueror, kajian ini memperlihatkan bahwa baik Pasai maupun Usmani mengintegrasikan tradisi-tradisi hibrida untuk membangun legitimasi dan kedaulatannya. Untuk menjelaskan khazanah yang berlapis ini, artikel ini mengadopsi kerangkapolisentris dari pada model pusat-pinggiran, di mana Asia Tenggara dan Mediterania muncul sebagai pusat-pusat dinamisyang saling saling terhubung dalam praktik Kerajaan Muslim.]
This article seeks to trace how Muhammadiyah cultivates its Muslim intellectuals, particularly in the early 21st century, and examines how their contributionspromote intellectual and charitable initiatives. Through interviews with prominent Muhammadiyah leaders and scholars, as well as documentary research, the article reveals that the emergence of Muhammadiyah intellectuals in the early twenty-first century is rooted in two types of educational institutions. The firstgroup consists of those who completed their education at pesantren, while the second comprises individuals educated within the national school system who also graduated from higher education institutions. Social and political conditions further contributed to the formation of Muhammadiyah intellectuals. The large number of Muhammadiyah charities has led to criticism that Muhammadiyah intellectual thought is stagnant. Theirfocus has largely been directed toward supporting regular and tangible organizational activities, including humanitarian efforts, social initiatives, and educational programs, among others.
A key challenge in contemporary Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) is its practical application to socio-ecological issues, such as sustainable agriculture and poverty alleviation. While Mas’udi’s Fikih Transformatif (Transformative Fiqh) offers a critical-emancipatory framework, it remains understudied, with some scholars questioning its feasibility. This study bridges that gap by examining three key questions: (1) What theological principles underpin transformative fiqh? (2) How can it be operationalized to empower farmers? and (3) How does it inform eco-farming practices? Applying a law and society approach alongside a year-long Participatory Action Research (PAR) study, this research engaged Indonesian farmers in implementing transformative fiqh through three mechanisms: (1) Quranic and Sunnah-based agrarian ethics; (2) the operationalization of maṣlaḥah (public benefit) via a transition to sustainable agroecological methods; and (3) farmer-led action plans for equitable resource management. Findings suggest that transformative fiqh, deeply rooted in Islamic theology, can structurally empower farmers while fostering eco-farming. This study offers a practical model for integrating faith-based values into participatory development.[Tantangan utama dalam fikih kontemporer adalah bagaimana menerapkannya pada isu-isu sosial-ekologis, seperti pertanian berkelanjutan dan pengentasan kemiskinan. Untuk itu, Masdar F. Mas’udi menawarkan Fikih Transformatif dengan kerangka kerja emansipatoris-kritis, namun tawaran tersebut masih kurang diteliti, bahkan ada yang mempertanyakan kelayakannya. Tulisan ini mengisi kesenjangan tersebut dengan melihat tiga isu utama: (1) prinsip teologis yang mendasari fikih transformatif, (2) operasionalisasi fikih transformatif untuk pemberdayaan petani, dan (3) penerapan fikih transformatif pada pertanian ramah lingkungan. Dengan pendekatan hukum dan masyarakat dalam bentuk Penelitian Aksi Partisipatif (PAR) selama setahun, penelitian ini melibatkan petani dalam menerapkan fiqh transformatif melalui tiga Langkah pokok: (1) internalisasi etika agraria berbasis al-Qur’an dan Sunnah; (2) operasionalisasi maṣlaḥah berbasis maqasid al-syari‘ah melalui transisi ke metode agroekologi berkelanjutan; dan (3) rencana aksi mandiri untuk pengelolaan sumber daya yang adil. Penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa fiqih transformatif, yang berakar kuat dalam teologi Islam, dapat memberdayakan petani secara struktural sekaligus mendorong pertanian ramah lingkungan. Penelitian ini menawarkan model praktis untuk mengintegrasikan nilai-nilai berbasis agama ke dalam pembangunan partisipatif.]
A key challenge in contemporary Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) is its practical application to socio-ecological issues, such as sustainable agriculture andpoverty alleviation. While Mas'udis' Fikih Transformatif (Transformative Fiqh) offers a critical-emancipatory framework, it remains understudied, with some scholars questioning its feasibility. This study bridges that gap by examining three key questions: (1) Whattheologicalprinciples underpin transformative fiqh? (2) How can it be operationalized to empower farmers? and (3) How does it inform eco-farming practices? Applying a law and society approach alongside ayear-long ParticipatoryAction Research (PAR) study, this research engaged Indonesian farmers in implementing transformative fiqh through three mechanisms: (1) Quranic and Sunnah-based agrarian ethics; (2) the operationalization of maslahah (public benefit) via a transition to sustainable agroecological methods; and (3) farmer-led action plans for equitable resource management. Findings suggest that transformative fiqh, deeply rooted in Islamic theology, can structurally empowerfarmers while fostering eco-farming. This study offers a practical model for integrating faith-based values into participatory development.
This article examines how lecturers of Qur'anic Studies at five Indonesian Islamic universities engage with Western scholarship on theQur'an. Drawing on fieldwork conducted at UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta, UIN Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta, UINAlauddin Makassar, UINImam Bonjol Padang, and UIN Bukittinggi, the study investigates how faculty members negotiate the incorporation of Western approaches in their academic programs. The article also engages with recent academic literature to reinforce its contemporary relevance. Our findings suggest that although there is a general openness to Western methodologies, significant tensions persist, particularly regarding the design of curricula. Influential figures within these departments have shaped what they view as an appropriate orientation for students, revealing competing visions between two educational aims: (1) engaging with Western academic approaches to theQur'an and tafs & imacr;r, and (2) masteringQur'anic knowledge for Islamic missionary purposes.
In Indonesia, the practice of religious freedom remains deeply contested, with marginal spiritual movements often subject to stricter limitations than their officially recognized counterparts. This paper investigates two hybrid spiritual groups in contemporary Indonesia, Bhakti Nusantara and Bionergi, based in Yogyakarta, which integrate elements of Javanese spiritual traditions (Kebatinan), Sufism, and facets of the Global Growth Movement. Despite their syncretic practices, these organizations occupy a distinctive socialposition that grants them greater latitude in religious and spiritual expression. By comparing them with otherfringe spiritual movements that have faced criticism and blasphemy charges, this paper argues that their status as spiritual or religious corporations enables them to enjoy broaderfreedoms. This distinction highlights the complexities of religious freedom and its dynamic governance in Indonesia, where the legal and social treatment of spiritualgroups can vary significantly depending on their organizational shape and social location. [Di Indonesia, praktik kebebasan beragama tetap menjadi isu yang masih sering diperdebatkan dan gerakan spiritual marginal sering kali mendapat tantangan yang lebih berat dibandingkan kelompok keagamaan resmi. Makalah ini mengkaji dua kelompok spiritual hibrida di Indonesia kontemporer, Bhakti Nusantara dan Bionergi,yang berbasis di Yogyakarta, yang mengintegrasikan elemen tradisi spiritual Jawa (Kebatinan), Tasawuf, dan elemen-elemen dari Global Growth Movement. Meskipun bersifat sinkretik, dua kelompok ini mempunyai posisi sosial unik. Konfigurasi organisasi yang unik memberi mereka kebebasan yang lebih luas dalam mengekspresikan praktik keagamaan dan spiritual. Dibandingkan dengan gerakan-gerakan spiritual pinggiran lain yang sering mendapat kritik dan tuduhanpenodaan agama, dua kelompok ini dengan status sebagai korporasi spiritual mendapat kebebasan yang lebih luas. Temuan ini menandakan kompleksitas dan dinamika tata kelola kebebasan beragama di Indonesia, bahwa ragam perlakukan kebebasan yang didapat secara sosial dan legal suatu kelompok spiritual turut ditentukan oleh bentuk organisasi dan lokasi sosialnya.]
This article examines the emergence of the New Direction of Indonesia Movement (Garbi) as a result of factionalisation within the Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, PKS). This study argues that a number of interconnected factors contributed to the emergence of Garbi, implying that factionalisation in politicalparties requires multifactor analysis rather than a single factor. This study employs qualitative data gathered through in-depth interviews with central figures in PKS and Garbi. Secondary data isgathered by analysing and reviewing scholarly sources. The study finds two factors for the emergence of Garbi: disagreements over ideological interpretation and uncompromising leadership practices. However, the findings of this study contradict a third factor, which is the absence of an effective conflict resolution process. PKS, as a cadre party, has a regeneration mechanism for dispute resolution, yet it serves as a conduit for the spread of factionalisation until the emergence of Garbi.
