El artículo se propone reflexionar y problematizar acerca de la confesionalización religiosa en Nuestra América como forma de violencia política desde la opción teórica-metodológica de la Sociología Histórica. La confesionalización religiosa es presentada como un problema donde la búsqueda de respuesta(s) atiende(n) a una perspectiva de larga duración, recuperación de la totalidad latinoamericana y análisis comparativo para identificar similitudes y diferencias, cambios y continuidades en la metodología de la confesionalización religiosa llevada a cabo por misioneros católicos que establecieron diferentes formas de violencias (el plural se impone) que van desde lo simbólico hasta lo físico y directo. También se presenta atención a la traductibilidad de categorías para comprender la confesión religiosa durante la dominación oligárquica.
Este trabalho aborda as ações e discursos construídos através de plataformas de comunicação digital por estudantes de medicina brasileiros no Paraguai, com base em seu status migratório transfronteiriço. Nos interessa compreender: 1) os diferentes usos dessas plataformas e atores envolvidos; 2) as formas, construções e conteúdo dos discursos; 3) as interações subjacentes às estratégias envolvidas e seus efeitos potenciais receptivos. Utilizando uma abordagem qualitativa e exploratória, aplicamos uma netnografia que envolve 11 grupos, perfis ou canais criados e mantidos por estudantes de medicina brasileiros no Paraguai, ativos em 2025 no Facebook, Instagram, TikTok e YouTube. Entre os principais resultados, destacamos que esses migrantes, condicionados pela mediação tecnológica e uso e apropriação das TIC, assim como uma “visibilidad self”, utilizam estratégias de autorrevelação baseadas no intercâmbio de experiências comunitárias e no empreendimento digital, não necessariamente de forma autônoma e independente, mas vinculadas a contextos e relações mais amplos. Essa ação pode favorecer a construção de novos significados para a experiência de mobilidade, contribuindo para a reformulação do modelo tradicional de níveis de subjetividade e redes migratórias.
This article examines the art toy figure Molly as a device of cultural hybridity and a visual archive through which Chinese identity narratives are reconfigured within transnational circuits of circulation. Drawing on a qualitative methodology grounded in visual and semiotic analysis, based on the study of specific character series and the observation of their digital reception dynamics, the paper explores how kawaii aesthetics operates as an affective technology that translates traditional repertoires into the languages of contemporary global design. The analysis focuses on its reception in Latin America, where the object's circulation activates processes of situated cultural reconversion at the margins of the Western canon, thereby unsettling conventional center-periphery hierarchies. Through the concept of situated otherness and informed by border thinking, the article argues that Latin American audiences are not passive recipients but agents who exercise an active form of visual citizenship. Through participatory practices associated with convergence culture and collective intelligence, these subjects reterritorialize "the Chinese" within a third space of mediation, allowing Molly to emerge as a glocal node that enables new forms of aesthetic appropriation and symbolic sovereignty in the region.
This paper is about the actions and discourses constructed via digital communication platforms by Brazilian medical students in Paraguay, based on their cross-border migration status. We are interested in understanding: 1) the different uses of these platforms and actors involved; 2) the forms, constructions, and content of discourses; 3) the interactions underlying the strategies involved and their potential receptive effects. Using a qualitative and exploratory approach, we applied netnography involving 11 groups, profiles, or channels created and maintained by Brazilian medical students in Paraguay, active in 2025 on Facebook, Instagram, TikTok, and YouTube. Among the main findings, we highlight that these migrants, conditioned by technological mediation, the use and appropriation of ICTs, as well as a self-centered visibility, use self-disclosure strategies based on the sharing of common experiences and digital entrepreneurship, not necessarily autonomously and independently, but linked to broader contexts and relationships. Such action can help to construct new meanings to the experience of mobility, contributing to the reformulation of the traditional model of levels of subjectivity and migratory networks.
This article aims to reflect on and problematize religious confessionalization in Latin America as a form of political violence from the theoretical and methodological perspective of Historical Sociology. Religious confessionalization is presented as a problem where the search for answers addresses a long-term perspective, a recovery of Latin American totality, and comparative analysis to identify similarities and differences, changes and continuities in the methodology of religious confession carried out by Catholic missionaries who established different forms of violence (the plural prevails), ranging from the symbolic to the physical and direct. Attention is also paid to the translatability of categories to understand religious confession during oligarchic domination.
This paper analyzes the great Cuban exodus that began after the popular protests of July 11, 2021, the most intense episode of mass migration in the island's contemporary history. Using a historical-comparative approach, the study reviews migration patterns since 1959 and explains how the convergence of political, economic, social, and international factors associated with a structural crisis produced an unprecedented migratory phenomenon. Between 2021 and 2025, more than one million people left the country, representing a population loss of between 10% to 18% and significantly reshaping Cuba's demographic structure. Young adults of working age predominate among emigrants, many of them highly skilled professionals, thereby accelerating population aging and intensifying the country's brain drain. The article also documents the geographic distribution of emigrants, with the United States as the main destination, followed by Spain, Mexico, and other countries in Latin America and Europe. The consequences are multiple: population decline and i growing dependence on remittances in Cuba; pressure on migration and integration systems in host countries; and the reconfiguration of the Cuban diaspora as increasingly transnational actor. The study concludes that this exodus represents a structural expression of Cuba's contemporary crisis and will have long-term implications for both Cuban society and regional migration dynamics.
The fall and subsequent arrest of President Pedro Castillo, in 2022, put an end to the brief and disorganized attempt of a sector of the Peruvian left to govern in the midst of an agitated and unstable political system. Although the fissures caused by years of institutional instability made possible an opening for a hegemonic dispute between the old ruling class and rearticulated leftist sectors, the deep political and ideological polarization experienced by this country had an impact on the premature failure of this project. This article aims to review the main characteristics of the State project in Peru, from the coming to power of Alberto Fujimori to the current and prolonged political crisis (since 2016 no president has managed to complete his term of office), which keeps Peru in a scenario of organic crisis or hegemonic crisis. In this context, it is essential to identify the role that the intellectual field and think tanks have played in leveraging the different political tendencies that dispute power, given the weakness of the party system that Peru is experiencing and the capture of the State by business elites linked to these centers.
Globalization, promoted since the late 1970s, brought with it an increase in the flow of international capital and a series of structural reforms promoted by multilateral organizations, aimed at opening markets and attracting investment. This dynamic was based on the exploitation of cheap labor and natural resources, with a strong export orientation. From a gender perspective, this process has had ambivalent effects. On the one hand, it promoted the incorporation of women into the labor market in feminized sectors; on the other hand, this insertion has been precarious, poorly paid and, in some cases, expulsive. In addition, inequality in the distribution of care tasks has worsened and different forms of violence against women have increased. This article analyzes the impacts of globalization in Latin America from a feminist perspective, focusing on two predominant development models: the primary-export model, based on the exploitation of natural resources with little job creation, and the maquila-export model, which relies on intensive and cheap labor, mostly female. Throughout the text, the consequences of these models on women in terms of employment, care and gender violence are explored.
This paper has two knowledge objectives: on the one hand, to identify the most relevant collective actions and right-wing party formations during the democratic period (1983-2023) in Argentina; and, on the other hand, to describe the interactions between both modes of political action. For this purpose, we have chosen a qualitative historical comparative approach to explain the temporal variance, identifying three periods in which collective actions and right-wing parties of the national-reactionary and liberal-conservative types have acted in a differential manner: 1983-2001, 2003-2019 and 2019-2023. As a result of the analysis, the main finding of the research lies in observing the multifaceted character assumed by the interaction between these mechanisms of political linkage in terms of time sequence, leadership transfer and ideational contribution.
This article analyzes the positioning of economic elites in relation to the government of Javier Milei during its first eighteen months in office. Drawing on a triangulation strategy that combines in-depth interviews, business leaders' public statements, and a systematic review of policy measures, the study compares the reactions of two strategic sectors: hydrocarbons and manufacturing. In the former, the high level of concentration and the expansion opportunities associated with the development of Vaca Muerta created a particularly favorable context for the sector, fostering a relatively homogeneous alignment with the government during this period. In the latter, although there was broad support for the general macroeconomic stabilization program, tensions emerged around several sectoral policies, and notable differences were observed between the industrial leadership and medium-and small-sized firms, as well as among specific branches or niche activities. The findings show that the differentiated effects of economic policies produce distinct configurations of support across sectors, underscoring the importance of productive and organizational structures in shaping business elites' political positions.
La caída y posterior detención del presidente Pedro Castillo, en 2022, puso fin al breve y desorganizado intento de un sector de la izquierda peruana de gobernar en medio de un agitado e inestable sistema político. Aunque las fisuras ocasionadas por años de inestabilidad institucional hicieron posible una apertura para la disputa hegemónica entre la vieja clase gobernante y sectores de izquierda rearticulados, la profunda polarización política e ideológica que experimenta este país impactó en el prematuro fracaso de este proyecto. El presente artículo se propone revisar las principales características del proyecto de Estado en Perú, desde la llegada al poder de Alberto Fujimori hasta la actual y prolongada crisis política (desde 2016 ningún presidente ha logrado completar su mandato), que mantiene al Perú en un escenario de crisis orgánica o crisis hegemónica. En este contexto, es indispensable identificar el rol que el campo intelectual y los centros de pensamiento (think tanks) han jugado en el apalancamiento de las distintas tendencias políticas que disputan el poder, dada la debilidad del sistema de partidos que experimenta el Perú y la captura del Estado por parte de elites empresariales vinculadas a estos centros.
Este artículo analiza los posicionamientos de las é lites económicas frente al gobierno de Javier Milei durante su primer año y medio de gestión. A partir de una estrategia de triangulación que combina entrevistas en profundidad, declaraciones empresariales y relevamiento de políticas públicas, se comparan las reacciones de dos sectores estratégicos: hidrocarburos e industria. En el primero, el alto nivel de concentración y las oportunidades de expansión asociadas al desarrollo de Vaca Muerta generaron un contexto particularmente favorable para la actividad, lo que propició un alineamiento relativamente homogéneo con el gobierno durante este período. En el segundo, si bien existió apoyo a los lineamientos generales de estabilización macroeconómica, surgieron tensiones frente a diversas medidas sectoriales y se observaron diferencias entre la cúpula industrial y los sectores medianos y pequeños, así como en determinadas ramas o nichos productivos. El estudio muestra que los efectos diferenciados de las políticas económicas producen configuraciones de apoyo diversas entre sectores, destacando la importancia de la estructura productiva y organizativa para comprender los posicionamientos empresariales.
La globalización, impulsada desde fines de los años setenta, trajo consigo un aumento del flujo de capitales internacionales y una serie de reformas estructurales promovidas por organismos multilaterales, orientadas a la apertura de los mercados y la atracción de inversiones. Esta dinámica se apoyó en la explotación de mano de obra barata y recursos naturales, con una fuerte orientación exportadora. Desde una perspectiva de género, este proceso ha tenido efectos ambivalentes. Por un lado, promovió la incorporación de mujeres al mercado laboral en sectores feminizados; por otro, esta inserción ha sido precaria, mal remunerada y, en algunos casos, expulsiva. Además, se agudizó la desigualdad en la distribución de las tareas de cuidado y se incrementaron distintas formas de violencia hacia las mujeres. Este artículo analiza los impactos de la globalización en América Latina desde una mirada feminista, centrando la atención en dos modelos de desarrollo predominantes: el modelo primario-exportador, basado en la explotación de recursos naturales con escasa generación de empleo, y el modelo maquila-exportador, que se apoya en trabajo intensivo y barato, mayoritariamente femenino. A lo largo del texto, se exploran las consecuencias de estos modelos sobre las mujeres en términos de empleo, cuidados y violencia de género.
Este trabajo tiene dos objetivos de conocimiento, por un lado, identificar las acciones colectivas y formaciones partidarias derechistas de mayor relevancia durante el período democrático (1983-2023) en Argentina; y, por otro lado, describir las interacciones entre ambos modos acción política. Para ello, hemos escogido una mirada histórico-comparativa de tipo cualitativa a partir de la cual se pueda explicar la varianza temporal, identificando tres períodos en los que las acciones colectivas y los partidos derechistas de tipo nacional-reaccionario y liberal-conservadores han actuado de modo diferencial: 1983-2001, 2003-2019 y 2019-2023. Producto del análisis, el principal hallazgo de la investigación radica en observar el carácter polifacético que asumió la interacción entre estos mecanismos de vinculación política en términos de la secuencia temporal, del trasvase dirigencial y la contribución ideacional.
En este artículo se analiza el rol que ocupa la cuestión de los desastres en la política exterior chilena a partir de 2010, particularmente a nivel regional y en sus relaciones con Estados Unidos. A partir del análisis de los casos de las Conferencias de Ministros de Defensa de las Américas y de las Conferencias Sudamericanas de Defensa, se observa cómo tras el terremoto y tsunami del 27 de febrero de ese año, los desastres comienzan a ser una temática central de la agenda de la política exterior de defensa de Chile. Los desastres se consolidaron como eje central de cooperación bilateral y multilateral, marcando un punto de inflexión hacia un enfoque militarizado impulsado por Estados Unidos y adoptado por Chile. Este trabajo resalta las implicancias estratégicas de esta agenda para la seguridad regional y hemisférica.
El fenómeno del “estallido social” se ha presentado como un rasgo sintomático de un reclamo sobre las condiciones socioeconómicas del modelo societal chileno, sin embargo, la derivada constituyente que se instaló como una salida al agudo conflicto social, ha sido una apertura procedimental que ha mostrado las paradojas de un entrampamiento, y por tanto de facto, un apego al statu quo como resultado. El objetivo de este artículo es presentar resumidamente la trayectoria del neoliberalismo chileno y analizar su despliegue hasta las contradicciones y paradojas de su momento actual. Las implicancias de este proceso son complejas, ellas expresan profundas rupturas y continuidades que van más allá de los movimientos de protesta que le dieron impulso. Qué posibilidades y aproximaciones se pueden caracterizar es una pregunta abierta.
