This study analyses the influence of fiscal federalism on Sabah’s financial autonomy within Malaysia’s federal framework, using dependency theory as a perspective. The study examines how Malaysia’s centralised fiscal structure establishes a core-periphery dynamic that diminishes Sabah’s financial autonomy and developmental prospects. Despite constitutional guarantees under the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63), Sabah struggles to generate revenue and manage its resources. This is especially true when it comes to oil revenues, as it receives only 5% of Malaysia’s total oil production despite contributing about 25% of the country’s output. The research examines three key facets: Sabah’s historical integration into Malaysia, the duties of MA63, and the development of intergovernmental budgetary arrangements. The research illustrates how structural dependencies sustain Sabah’s fiscal limitations through comparative analysis with other federal systems and the application of dependency theory. This study advocates for extensive reforms, encompassing: the renegotiation of revenue-sharing formulae, augmentation of state-level taxing authority, implementation of transparent equalisation methods, and the establishment of independent fiscal commissions. These ideas seek to disrupt the cycle of dependency and create a fairer budgetary relationship between federal and state governments that honours the essence of MA63 and fosters sustainable development in Sabah.
Contributing to the debate on Taiwan’s defence build-up and scholarship on military change, this study explores cultural factors in the military and across society that shape defence reforms in Taiwan in the 2020s. Drawing on data from official documents, secondary literature, and twelve elite interviews with actors in the Taiwanese security sector, this study explores reforms to the force structure since 2022, the shift to an asymmetric warfare strategy, and efforts to build a whole-of-society defence. The findings show that the force structure and mobilisation reforms are limited by a military culture that undervalues conscripts and reserves, valuing stable routines. The reforms are also limited by the structure of civil-military relations. The reforms towards an asymmetric warfare strategy have been limited by resistance to unconventional methods of warfare, the Ministry of National Defence’s wish to safeguard its monopoly over the armed forces, and by the existing command culture and procurement priorities linked to the different services. Lastly, reforms towards whole-of-society defence take place in the context of a historical devaluation of civil defence, institutional resistance from the Ministry of National Defence to share defence with civilian agencies, and military and political suspicion of trained civilians. However, the findings showed that changes in threat perceptions and practical training experiences have mobilised civilians and increased acceptance of civil preparedness. By indicating how cultural factors intersect and make change more or less likely, the findings have implications for scholarship on cultural factors behind military change, for debates on Taiwan’s defence build-up, and for Taiwan’s defence.
This study investigates why regulatory and rehabilitative efforts to prevent recurring peatland fires in Kapuas Regency, Central Kalimantan, have failed to create environmentally conscious subjects or to shift local land-burning practices. Despite the implementation of numerous policies and programmes since the 1990s, fire incidents continue to occur. This indicates a persistent gap between state-led environmental governance and local community responses. Drawing on a multi-actor ethnographic approach and the Abductive-Causal-Eventism (ACE) framework, this study examines how regulatory interventions interact with local cultural values, economic rationalities, and lived experiences. Data were collected between 2010 and 2015 through participant observation, in-depth interviews, and secondary materials review. The findings reveal that, rather than fostering internalised environmental responsibility, these interventions have generated fragmented, tactical forms of compliance. This study conceptualises this condition as frictional environmentality, defined as a form of environmental subjectivity characterised by cultural tension and strategic behaviour that emerges when universal environmental goals encounter local socio-cultural realities. Overall, this study contributes to environmentality theory by extending the understanding of how environmental subjects are unevenly formed in contexts of contested governance. It also offers insights for designing more culturally embedded and participatory approaches to peatland fire governance in Indonesia.
The cancellation of the 2020 Vietnamese Grand Prix, initially planned as a flagship of Vietnam’s geopolitical ambition, constituted a major disruption to the country’s soft power strategy. Rather than interpreting the cancellation solely as a logistical setback, this study frames it as a diagnostic moment for assessing Vietnam’s institutional capacity for resilience and strategic diplomacy. Using a mixed-methods design that combines document analysis, a stakeholder survey (n = 97), and thirty semi-structured interviews, this study examines how the event’s termination shaped stakeholder perceptions of Vietnam’s soft power and international reputation. Statistical analyses (analysis of variance [ANOVA] and regression) and thematic coding reveal that while stakeholders recognised the event’s strategic intent, the cancellation highlighted significant coordination gaps and a “narrative vacuum”. This study introduces and operationalises the concept of “exit diplomacy” – the strategic capacity to narrate a withdrawal to preserve reputational capital. Comparative insights from Singapore and Malaysia further highlight the strategic divergence between resilience, managed withdrawal, and silence. Results indicate that while government officials prioritised long-term resilience planning, the private sector expressed higher economic anxiety and emphasised the need for soft power diversification. This study concludes that for emerging middle-powers, the ability to curate a withdrawal narrative is as critical to soft power resilience as the capacity to host. Finally, five actionable strategies are proposed, including the establishment of an Event Resilience Unit within the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism.
ASEAN regionalism is a complex and evolving process shaped by various actors and interactions. While previous studies often framed regionalism as the formation of regional intergovernmental organisations for integration, this study argues for a broader understanding that includes non-state actors, ecological dynamics, and geopolitical contexts. Drawing from critical geography, geopolitics, and area studies, this study proposes a novel analytical framework based on global spatial politics. It redefines regionalism as a spatial ideology and practice of region-construction aimed at controlling natural-social-technical space. This framework gives regions ontological status as actors in international relations and allows for a more nuanced understanding of ASEAN’s role in regional governance. This study examines the historical evolution and multi-dimensional nature of ASEAN regionalism—covering security, economic integration, and environmental cooperation—with a particular focus on marine environmental protection. It highlights how ASEAN’s environmental regionalism is shaped by both political will and the pressure of transboundary ecological issues. By integrating theoretical analysis with empirical observations, this study offers insights into ASEAN’s capacity for spatial governance. This study also contributes to comparative regionalism studies by incorporating environmental dimensions often overlooked in traditional international relations frameworks. Ultimately, it suggests that global spatial politics can help reinterpret the processes of region formation in Southeast Asia beyond institutional and economic paradigms.
Gabungan Melayu Patani Raya (GEMPAR) or the Association of Malays of Greater Patani was established on 1 March 1948 to defend the plight of the Patani Malays and later to champion political ambitions for Patani’s independence from the Thai government. Among its main leaders were Tengku Mahmud Mahyiddeen, Tengku Abdul Kadir Kamaruddin, and Tengku Abdul Jalal bin Tengku Abdul Mutalib. This study examines GEMPAR’s political struggle from 1948 to 1949, highlighting its role in mobilising regional Malay support and advocating for self-determination. This study uses a qualitative approach and library-based research. Primary sources include archival documents from the United Kingdom’s National Archives, such as Colonial Office records, as well as relevant secondary literature, including books, articles, and theses relating to the GEMPAR movement. This study argues that although GEMPAR was short-lived, it played an important role in connecting the Patani Malay nationalist cause with wider post-war Malay political movements. Despite its regional significance, GEMPAR remains largely overlooked in existing scholarship. This study addresses that gap by uncovering its political networks and contributions to Malay solidarity. Studies show that GEMPAR’s struggle had the support of several Malay political organisations, including the Kesatuan Rakyat Indonesia Semenanjung (Peninsular Indonesian People’s Union, KRIS), the Malay Nationalist Party (MNP) or Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM), the Kelantan Branch of United Malays National Organization (UMNO), and the Singapore Malay Association.
The tourism sector in Saudi Arabia has experienced major changes in line with Vision 2030, which aims to expand the industry from religious travel to a larger market for leisure and heritage activities. One of the major factors affecting policy implementation is the lack of qualitative information on tourism’s effects on Saudi tradition. This study explores the social and cultural impact of tourism on Saudi society within the framework of the Vision 2030. This study adopted a qualitative research design and used semi-structured interviews with residents of Saudi Arabia, tourists from different countries in Saudi Arabia, stakeholders from the tourism sector in Saudi Arabia, and two experts from the university. Fifteen interviews were conducted in total, which provides extensive knowledge about the nature of tourism in Saudi Arabia and its impact on society. The findings demonstrate that Saudi Arabia’s tourism industry supports economic development, improves international connections, and promotes modernisation. However, issues surrounding the loss of traditional authenticity, the preservation of social norms, and religious tolerance remain at the forefront of the industry’s expansion. This study demonstrates the need for Saudi Arabia to adopt a balanced approach that supports sustainable tourism while preserving its traditional heritage.
This study examines how Filipino lovers (FL) represent and negotiate romantic relationships on Instagram (IG) within an artificial intelligence (AI)-mediated platform environment. It aims to understand how platform affordances and user practices interact in shaping contemporary forms of digital intimacy and the aesthetic normalisation of #relationshipgoals. Using qualitative textual analysis, this study examines forty-seven publicly accessible IG contents. The analysis focuses on patterns of relational representation, affective expression, and platform-driven visibility to identify how romantic relationships are constructed and performed in everyday digital practice. Findings show that IG is not primarily used as a marker of relational authenticity, but as a curated space for managing visibility, emotional expression, and social validation. FL strategically engage the platform to negotiate jealousy and surveillance, establish social proof, construct emergent forms of romantic performance, respond to perceived relational threats, and express romantic excitement. These practices demonstrate how intimacy is continuously negotiated. This study further finds that IG’s AI-mediated features, including algorithmic curation, filtering tools, and content circulation systems, significantly shape how relationships are visually and emotionally represented. These platform mechanisms encourage selective disclosure and aesthetic enhancement, reinforcing emerging norms of idealised romantic visibility. This study concludes that romantic relational norms are co-produced through the interaction of algorithmic platform logics and culturally situated practices. This highlights how intimacy, visibility, and relational aesthetics are actively constructed in AI-mediated social media environments.
Over the past three decades, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has occupied a recurrent yet understudied place in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. While Iranian leaders have consistently signalled interest in developing relations with Southeast Asia, existing scholarship on Iran’s Asia-Pacific policy has largely prioritised Tehran’s relations with China or individual ASEAN member states. There is a pressing need for a deeper analysis of the roots of Iran’s political and economic interest in ASEAN, the history of Iran-ASEAN relations and the evolution of Iran’s overall policy towards Southeast Asia. This article examines Iran’s first pivot towards ASEAN during the presidency of Mohammad Khatami (1997–2005). It argues that during this period, Iran made its first concerted effort to improve relations with ASEAN states and to leverage the ensuing momentum to secure Sectoral Dialogue Partner status with ASEAN. Iran launched numerous energy, transport, and logistics projects in Southeast Asia, and ASEAN states likewise initiated projects in Iran’s energy and logistics sectors. Iran’s bilateral deals with ASEAN states should be viewed as part of a coordinated corridor strategy rather than a set of isolated deals. The findings indicate that Iran sought to present itself to ASEAN leaders as a reliable energy partner and the optimal gateway to Central Asia, while addressing older security concerns about Iranian involvement with militant groupings in Southeast Asia and the export of Shia ideology. Methodologically, this article employs a qualitative historical approach, combining multi-archival research with process tracing across Iranian and ASEAN sources.
In the Asia-Pacific region, intensified cross-border mobility has reshaped how national identity is experienced and sustained among diaspora communities, particularly in culturally proximate yet politically differentiated contexts. This study examines how the Indonesian diaspora in Johor Bahru, Malaysia, preserves Bangsa Indonesia within everyday transnational life, moving beyond cultural symbolism to foreground the relational and institutional conditions that enable identity continuity. Employing a qualitative case study design, this study draws on in-depth semi-structured interviews with five purposively selected Indonesian migrant workers and students. Data were analysed using a thematic approach. The results demonstrate that national identity preservation operates through a socio-cultural ecosystem comprising three interdependent pillars: (1) diaspora communities as cultural fortresses that sustain identity through ritualised practices and regional heritage; (2) community networks as social safety nets that provide emotional, material, and moral security; and (3) institutional scaffolding provided by the Indonesian Consulate and host universities, which confers legitimacy, resources, and public visibility. These mechanisms function unevenly across diaspora positions: migrant workers predominantly mobilise bonding social capital oriented towards survival and solidarity. At the same time, students activate bridging and linking capital to perform national identity through cultural diplomacy and institutional engagement. This study contributes to Asia-Pacific diaspora scholarship by conceptualising national identity preservation as an ecosystemic, stratified, and institutionally mediated process rather than a passive or homogeneous attachment. By integrating diaspora identity theory with social capital analysis, this study offers a transferable analytical framework for examining identity, power, and belonging across regional migration corridors.
The phenomenon of language shift among Malaysian Tamils is well documented, highlighting both disconnection and preservation of the Tamil language. However, its impact on the community members’ ethnic identity remains underexplored. This study examines the perceptions of ethnic identity among Malaysian urban Tamil youths disconnected from their heritage language and their negotiation of ethnic identity without linguistic capital. It addresses the underexplored link between language shift and ethnic identity perceptions. This qualitative study involved twenty Malaysian urban Tamil youths who had shifted from their heritage language to English. The data were thematically analysed using Identity Process Theory (continuity, self-esteem, self-efficacy, and distinctiveness) to frame their perceptions of Malaysian Tamil identity. Results showed polarised views. Participants with negative perceptions experienced identity threats, which they negotiated by disengaging from their Tamil identity. In contrast, those with positive perceptions asserted their ethnic identity through non-linguistic markers (food, cultural practices, and clothing). Further analysis of negative perceptions underscored stigma management strategies, wherein the participants distanced themselves from the threatening ethnic identity, resorting to masking or adopting superordinate identities (Malaysian, Indian). In contrast, positive perceptions interpreted through post-ethnic theory revealed the fluidity of ethnic identity formation, extending beyond linguistic markers, and foregrounding the dynamic nature of identity construction in a globalised, multilingual world.
Tan Tock Seng (TTS) is a household name in Singapore, essentially because of the Tan Tock Seng Hospital that was established in 1844 as a “pauper hospital” has become one of Singapore’s pioneering medical institutions (p. 224). According to the book, Tan Tock Seng Hospital in the past two centuries “has evolved from a pauper hospital to a full general hospital, its journey marked by many pioneering milestones that reflect the evolution and innovation of healthcare in Singapore” (p. 277). Today, the hospital is the second largest hospital in Singapore and a national centre for a few fields such as neuroscience, infectious diseases, and skin. Chapter 7 of the book, entitled “Tan Tock Seng Hospital: Then and Now”, provides the hospital’s history from a pauper hospital to becoming “an integrated healthcare hub” in Singapore. But apart from the hospital’s national historical significance, the book provides fascinating stories and history of the family, illustrating the significance of the Peranakan Chinese and colonialism in Singapore and Southeast Asia.
John N[orman] Miksic passed away on 25 October 2025, having succumbed to pneumonia. He was just four days shy of his 79th year.
Over the past three years, Indonesia has shifted its defence industry cooperation partners and defence technology producers to France. Indonesia agreed to purchase Rafale F4 fighter jets and Scorpene Evolved submarines from France. The procurement of Rafale F4 fighter jets represents Indonesia's largest ever acquisition of fighter jets to date and the first purchase from France. The acquisition of Scorpene Evolved submarines marks the ending of Indonesia's procurement of the U-209 class, which had been the favoured option and might potentially be manufactured domestically. Therefore, this study aims to analyse the reasons behind Indonesia's shift in defence technology producer countries using the opportunity and willingness frameworks and the causal process tracing (CPT) method. This article argues that Indonesia's shift to France is driven by the presence of opportunities in the international system, including the geopolitical competition in the Indo-Pacific that led France to emphasise the region and Indonesia in its foreign policy, along with the risks associated with the Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA). Furthermore, By engaging in modernising its defence technology and seeking self-sufficiency, Indonesia prioritises nations that offer the most attractive technology transfer and offset, a proposal put forth by France. Moreover, France has become one of Indonesia's strongest partners in defence industrial cooperation to date. This result is noteworthy, as it demonstrates how external geopolitical issues and internal strategic preferences jointly affect defence procurement choices in growing middle powers like Indonesia.
In the cultural life of the Vietnamese in Vietnam's Northern Delta, various forms of folk theatrical art, also known as folk performances or pre-theatrical art, continue to exist. These art forms are preserved through numerous cultural activities among the Vietnamese in the Northern Delta and are recognised as valuable heritages created, practised, and passed down by previous generations to the present. The primary creative method in most of these art forms is theatricalisation, particularly of religious and spiritual ideas. These include Buddhist, Confucian, and traditional Vietnamese beliefs, contributing to the development of a unique art form with distinct characteristics rooted in the local community. However, under the strong influence of modern economic and cultural life, these art forms are at risk of disappearing from contemporary society. This study, utilising qualitative research methods such as fieldwork and in-depth interviews with elderly artisans who have the ability to perform these plays well, takes an interdisciplinary approach combining art and religious studies. It focuses on the cultural context and methods of dramatising religious ideas, particularly through the case of the Vu Lan Sutra and the play Muc Li & ecirc;n, Thanh & Dstrok;e" (Maudgalyayana and His Mother) as performed during funerals in the Northern Delta region. The research findings reveal the primary creative methods and distinctive characteristics of this art form, along with the folk messages conveyed by earlier generations to the present. These contributions aid in the preservation and continuation of this cultural heritage in the lives of Vietnamese people today.
This article examines the implementation of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in Asia and Africa through a comparative analysis of coal-powered electricity projects in Indonesia and Zimbabwe. It challenges the prevailing narrative that the BRI represents a mutually beneficial "win-win" cooperation framework. Instead, the study argues that China employs polylateral strategies-integrating commerce, security, and diplomacy-to advance its geo-economic interests in recipient countries. These strategies are analysed through Michel Foucault's concept of governmentality. While polylateralism refers to China's use of overlapping channels of influence-including state-owned enterprises, banks, private firms, and diplomatic institutions-governmentality elucidates how these mechanisms collectively shape infrastructure priorities, normalise asymmetrical partnerships, and guide development trajectories through indirect governance. Using a qualitative approach and grounded in this dual framework, the study contends that BRI infrastructure functions less as an equitable partnership and more as a mechanism of indirect control. The findings reveal consistent patterns across both case studies: elite capture, environmental degradation, community displacement, and benefits disproportionately favouring Chinese stakeholders. Despite differing political and institutional contexts, Indonesia and Zimbabwe illustrate how BRI projects can reinforce structural dependency, exacerbate inequality, and undermine sustainable development. This article contributes to critical debates on China's evolving role in the Global South by interrogating the transformative potential of infrastructure diplomacy under the BRI.
The term "wokeness" can be understood as an individual's awareness of social justice issues and a commitment to promoting equality and fairness in society. Traditionally, wokeness is linked to being tools of highlighting unfairness and discrimination in different social settings. This study argues wokeness can also be examined as a reactionary tool to power dynamics in a workplace setting. This study specifically examines the topic of power dynamics in Malaysian workplaces and how the concept of "wokeness" plays a crucial role as a form of reaction using Albert Hirschman's concept of exit, voice, and loyalty. The analysis of the Instagram page MalaysianPAYGAP, which features testimonials from Malaysian employees who have experienced power dynamics and injustice in the workplace, determines how wokeness motivates affected employees to react either through the approach of exit, voice, or loyalty. Findings of this study suggest that wokeness has enabled Malaysian employees to feel more empowered by reacting accordingly to power dynamics at workplaces. Additionally, this study aims to demonstrate that wokeness is prevalent within the Malaysian context and can be a tool for both employees and employers to better understand their roles. Ultimately, the findings of this article emphasise the need to re-evaluate the notion of power dynamics and its connection to employee loyalty within the Malaysian workforce. This article is thus significant in pioneering a new way of understanding wokeness as a functional and strategic response to workplace power dynamics, rather than simply a cultural buzzword.
This article explores how Bangladesh navigates its foreign policy and security interests within an increasingly contested maritime space shaped by the rivalries of China, India, the United States (US) and other regional actors. Amid the strengthening of planned competition in the Indo-Pacific, the Bay of Bengal is now acting as a critical geopolitical arena because Bangladesh sits at that intersection of regional and also global power dynamics. The study examines all of Bangladesh's efforts towards balancing economic partnerships with calculated autonomy for regional cooperation. Geopolitical analysis and policy review inform its actions amid infrastructure diplomacy, military posturing, and shifting alliances. National sovereignty and maritime security with sustainable development are implications highlighted in this article. It claims that Bangladesh's geopolitical trouble comes not just from location, but also from Indo-Pacific political shifts where smaller nations should use careful tact to protect their own goals.
Refugee children are one of the most vulnerable demographics in society today, and their numbers are growing exponentially. In the region of Southeast Asia, Malaysia accounts for the majority of refugees and asylum seekers. Little is known, however, regarding the resilience or wellbeing of refugee children, particularly young refugee children's perceptions of their resilience. As a result, this study aims to add to the literature on resilience by going beyond secondary informants to investigate the variables that affect their resilience. Specifically, the study aims to evaluate the perceived risk and protective factors in three domains-family, school, and community-adapted from Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems theory. This qualitative case study provides a unique glimpse into the lives of six children aged 7 years old to 11 years old attending community-based learning centres in Malaysia. Following purposive sampling to select the participants, drawing activities to facilitate conversation were first conducted, followed by semi-structured interviews. Content analysis of the interview transcripts revealed some negative experiences such as bullying and lack of security that could impinge on their resilience. Nonetheless, this was counteracted by perceived protective factors including supportive parents and peers, helpful teachers, and caring neighbours. The findings highlight the importance of family, learning centres, and neighbours in fostering a positive transition for refugee children and helping maintain their resilience. Additionally, they provide significant implications for policymakers and mental health professionals with to services, the maintenance and education.
The escalating conflict surrounding the development of Indonesia's new capital city, Ibu Kota Nusantara (IKN), in North Penajam Paser Regency (PPU), East Kalimantan, has intensified social tensions between indigenous communities and the state. Land and livelihood struggles have rendered the development process precarious, with Paser Balik communities reporting marginalisation and displacement. Drawing on in-depth interviews, focus group discussions (FGDs), and observations with key informants recruited through snowball sampling, this study examines communication dynamics in the IKN core development area (Kawasan Inti Pusat Pemerintahan, KIPP) and its surrounding buffer zones (kawasan penyangga). FGDs with directly affected Paser Balik communities in Sepaku and Pemaluan, as well as Paser communities in Bumi Harapan, were conducted to deepen understanding of these tensions and the pathways through which they escalate. The findings reveal major communication challenges among stakeholders involved in the core area and buffer zones, including unequal participation, information overload, and limited deliberative space for indigenous aspirations. To mitigate conflict escalation, the study proposes dialogic communication that emphasises three elements: activating indigenous community networks based on articulated needs; reducing information overload through an equitable dialogical process; and fostering collaboration among influential actors through a consensual forum.
