This article is intended as a primer for the development of First Nations Settlement Land in the Yukon. The article builds on a previous Northern Review article by this author exploring the possibilities for development on Yukon First Nations Settlement Land since the Yukon updated its Land Titles Act in 2016 (see https://doi.org/10.22584/nr57.2025.007). This unlocked the potential of Settlement Lands for the benefit of Yukon First Nations citizens and beneficiaries, encouraging economic development throughout the Yukon. Three hypothetical scenarios are described in this report, with illustrations (swim lane diagrams) setting out the roles, steps, and activities required for collaborative development among Yukon First Nations, municipal, and Yukon governments. The three development scenarios are a Yukon-Yukon First Nation housing co-development, Yukon Government staff housing, and an industrial park on settlement land in an unincorporated community. The potential fiscal effects (personal income tax and property tax) of Settlement Land development for each of the scenarios are also explored.
Climate change is affecting Northern Canada at a rapid rate and posing challenges to Indigenous ways of life. Climate solutions in the North are often applauded for protecting carbon rich ecosystems, reducing greenhouse gas emissions, and cultivating economic development, but when northern Indigenous perspectives, world views, and leadership are not integrated, solutions become little more than green colonialism. Indigenous Peoples have been leading land stewardship initiatives for millennia. Implementing nature-based solutions for climate (NbSC) using Two-Eyed Seeing could provide intersecting benefits for Indigenous communities including cultural revitalization, economic development, youth empowerment, reconciliation, carbon storage, ecosystem stewardship, and biodiversity. The Athabasca Denes & uogon;#in & eacute; First Nations care for their Traditional Territory, Nuhen & eacute;n & eacute;, across Northern Saskatchewan, the Northwest Territories, and Nunavut.Through interviews with members of theAthabasca Denes & uogon;#in & eacute; First Nations and supporting organizations, we consider six NbSC that could be options for sustaining Athabasca Denes & uogon;#in & eacute; Peoples, lands, and waters, and for supporting the local economy in the face of climate change. Our analysis, utilizing a structured evaluation criteria, suggests that the most appropriate NbSC for Nuhen & eacute;n & eacute; territory are wildfire management, Indigenous-led area-based conservation, and supporting barren-ground caribou conservation.These recommendations assume leadership by Indigenous Peoples, stewardship of the land in line with Dene values, and recognition of the legacy of colonialism. Our work stems from a commitment to respect and honour Indigenous voices, build trustworthy relationships, and provide useful information for local communities, with particular attention paid to economic opportunities associated with climate mitigation and adaptation.
In October 2025 the authors organized a workshop in Thunder Bay, Ontario. The Niniibawtamin Anishinaabe Aki Gathering (stand up for Anishinaabe land gathering) brought together First Nations leaders, community organizers, civil society groups, and scholars to discuss plans for nuclear waste disposal, critical mineral extraction, and associated infrastructure development in northern Ontario. Several cross-cutting themes emerged over the course of the event. Conversations mostly hinged upon prospective critical mineral extraction in the "Ring of Fire" development area and a proposed high-level radioactive waste repository in northern Ontario. Numerous delegates referenced federal and provincial "fast-tracking" legislation as a serious challenge to Indigenous rights. First Nations leaders spoke about the challenges they face in meaningfully participating in decisions because their institutional capacity is taxed with addressing social crises in their communities. Several legal challenges that create uncertainty regarding critical mineral extraction and nuclear waste disposal were discussed. Another common theme was the limitation of settler decisionmaking processes, including the use of colonial courts to advance Indigenous justice. Several delegates spoke about the value of coalition building and grassroots mobilization. In the context of debates about using critical mineral extraction and nuclear power generation to drive the transition away from fossil fuels, some delegates noted it is important to consider whose way of life will be sacrificed for the clean energy transition.
This study pertains to the governance of renewable energy development in Nunavut. Despite the strong environmental and security risks posed by diesel use and dependency, the development of renewable energy in the territory is slow. As domestic, regional, and international actors are moving toward decarbonizing energy infrastructure, the energy transition of Nunavut is facing structural obstacles ranging from the costs associated with modernizing and decarbonizing the energy grid, to human capacity constraints. In what ways are community consultation practices and Inuit Knowledge embedded in renewable energy decision making in Nunavut, and how effective are they under Nunavut, Canadian, and international frameworks? As global attention is veering towards the Arctic, with strong emphasis on mining potential, the global energy transition becomes an opportunity for Inuit rights holders to develop local economies and livelihood opportunities, as well as invest in their own energy security needs. Since the signing of the Nunavut Lands and Resources Devolution Agreement in 2024, the cascading security threats of diesel dependency have become intertwined with needs to develop industries supporting the territory's energy transition.As such, through a qualitative content analysis of grey literature and seventeen interviews with key stakeholders and rights holders in Nunavut, this study offers insight into the governance of renewable energy infrastructure development in Nunavut.
As Arctic ice recedes, previously inaccessible seabed resources are becoming increasingly viable for extraction, drawing global attention to deep-sea mining (DSM) in the region. This article examines the evolving legal landscape of DSM in the Arctic, which is fragmented and shaped by competing national interests, unresolved territorial claims, and differing commitments to international law. As the Arctic coastal states weigh the economic potential of DSM against environmental and geopolitical concerns, the region remains a contested space where law, policy, and strategic interests continue to evolve. This article begins with an overview of the international regulatory framework, including the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), the International Seabed Authority, and key regional agreements such as the Arctic Council's guidelines. It then provides an in-depth analysis of the DSM policies of the five Arctic coastal state-Canada, Denmark (Greenland), Norway, Russia, and the United States-assessing how each state's approach is shaped by its political priorities, legal commitments, and strategic interests. A comparative discussion explores how these states navigate their obligations under UNCLOS, their extended continental shelf claims, and their broader geopolitical strategies.Additionally, the article considers the growing interest of non-Arctic states, particularly China, in Arctic deep-sea mining, highlighting the broader international implications of resource development in the region.
Ontario's 2025 Protect Ontario by Unleashing Our Economy Act (Bill 5) authorizes the creation of special economic zones that suspend environmental assessment requirements for selected projects, including those in the mineral rich Ring of Fire region of the James Bay Lowlands in Northern Ontario. This policy directly conflicts with the ongoing federal regional assessment, co-led with fifteen Treaty 9 First Nations whose purpose is to establish baseline data and cumulative-effects frameworks before development begins. By allowing development to proceed in advance of these baselines, Bill 5 removes the scientific control condition required to distinguish natural variation from mining impacts and undermines Indigenous participation in environmental governance. Historical evidence from the 1975 James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement demonstrates that accelerated project approvals without adequate baseline science produced decades of ecological and health harm. The Ring of Fire presents a comparable inflection point: safeguarding both scientific integrity and Indigenous self-determination depends on completing multi-year baseline studies before development proceeds.
There is growing recognition that research with Indigenous communities should foster reconciliation and support self-determination. Research frameworks like the 5 R's-Respect, Relationship, Relevance, Reciprocity, and Responsibility-can help Indigenous and non-Indigenous partners work together in a good way. In this article, the authors, guided by Elder Mary Jane Moses of the Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation, Old Crow,Yukon, reflect on the 5 R principles in the context of a graduate student's research, and discuss ways to implement the principles into a wildlife monitoring project.We find that discussing and implementing these principles during all stages of the research process creates the space for respecful, ethical, and effective knowledge sharing between research collaborators. By sharing our experience, we hope to inspire other researchers to pause and reflect to ensure that we all conduct our research in a good way.
Now, more than ever, critical minerals are in demand. However, in the rush to bring these resources to market, mining can have severe, adverse impacts on the people who use and enjoy the places where these minerals are found. The MaymayquayshwakAnishinaabe who reside in Ni da tak keem nahm (our land), a remote region in Northwestern Ontario, are a telling example.Also known as the North Spirit Lake First Nation, the community is contending with a mining company whose operations in their territory pose an existential threat to their way of life.This article describes their plight and how the duty to consult Indigenous Canadians about industrial developments in their Territories failed in this case.
We seek a renewing of the foundations of conservation science and practice with love as one of the main pillars. We trace how this has been embodied through histories, practices, knowledge systems, writings, and key figures throughout conservation science and practice. We see this work as a call to renew our vows to practise conservation science and practise with a deep love for the species and places we work with and for.
Evidence-based policy making (EBPM) has become a normative gold standard in contemporary governance, yet its universal application obscures the colonial assumptions embedded in dominant evidence regimes. This article offers a normative critique of EBPM as it is currently imposed on northern and Indigenous contexts. It argues that the elevation of conventional, quantitative, and Eurocentric evidence forms reproduces structural and epistemic harms-that is, harms that emerge when dominant evidence standards dismiss or undervalue Indigenous knowledge and community-based ways of knowing-by holding northern governments to standards they were never resourced to meet, while simultaneously devaluing Indigenous epistemologies, land-based knowledge, and relational approaches to well-being. In doing so, EBPM generates artificial data scarcity, perpetuates colonial governance logics, and limits the potential for effective, locally grounded policy making. The article contends that meaningful reconciliation between EBPM and northern governance realities requires further research into methodologically-plural policy practices that recognize multiple ways of knowing, legitimize Indigenous-led data governance, and expand what counts as "adequate" evidence. Such an approach not only strengthens policy effectiveness but also advances the broader goals of reconciliation, self-determination, and epistemic justice.This reframing of EBPM is essential for building evidence systems that reflect the diversity, complexity, and sovereignty of the northern communities they are intended to serve.
The Northwest Territories has experienced an economic boom in the past thirty years, with world class diamond mines starting operations betweeen 1998 and 2016. The diamond mines have been a significant contributor to the territory's local economy through contracting opportunities, employment, training and development,and the financial health of local Indigenous communities. However, over the past thirty months rough diamond prices have collapsed. Of the four mines in the territory, one has already ceased operation and the other three are slated to close between 2026 and 2030. In fall 2023, the NWT and Nunavut Chamber of Mines released a report on the economic effects of a diminished resource sector. To inform discussions on the territory's economic future and the important role of Indigenous communities in that future, the Indigenous Development Corporations (IDCs) of theYellowknives Dene First Nation,Tlcho Nation,the North Slave M & eacute;tisAlliance,and the Lutsel K'& eacute; Dene First Nation have worked collaboratively to revisit that 2023 report.The aim was to assess their collective contributions to the NWT diamond mining industry and the impacts of mine closures on their communities. Diamond mining has been a catalyst in the growth and development of Indigenous labour and business throughout the North Slave region.The IDCs want to bring attention to the plight of the NWT economy, but also to shine light on the opportunities for future growth and development that can leverage three decades of investment.
In the Spring 2009 issue of the Northern Review, Ian MacPherson- historian and venerated co-operatives scholar, educator, practitioner, and activist-wrote an article entitled "What Has Been Learned Should be Studied and Passed On: Why the Northern Co-operative Experience Needs to be Considered More Seriously." The Canadian Centre for the Study of Cooperatives (CCSC) is acting on that advice. Building on important research and scholarship around northern co-operatives published by the CCSC and affiliated researchers and fellows, the Centre is working on and planning projects that revisit and reinvigorate previous initiatives and focus on a new set of questions meaningful to northern communities.We revisit,for example,the history of Inuit artists and artisans who deployed the co-operative model to retain artistic and community control of their cultural production. We explore how Arctic Cooperatives Limited is using its co-operative DNA to develop innovative business and training strategies. And we reflect on what the co-operative movement means to northern communities struggling with food insecurity, supply chain disruption, and climate change.
The Yukon and the rest of the Canadian North have undergone tremendous social, cultural, and economic change over the past sixty years. Northern communities have experienced processes of development quite different from most other communities in Canada. These processes have resulted in many unique challenges. One of the ways northern communities have responded to these challenges is through the social economy-the use of community-based organizations that are neither profit-oriented or part of the government sector. Researchers have noted the particular importance of this sector for the North. Research has also noted regional differences within the Canadian North, and in particular between the Yukon and the rest of the region. The vestiges of a "frontier mentality" limited the use of co-operatives and other community-based organizations in the territory. More recent research has shown that social economy organizations have grown much faster in the Yukon than in other regions of the North.This article discusses the degree to which we can link this growth to a transformation in the traditional frontier culture of the Yukon.
Across Canada and internationally, there is growing pressure to expand the extraction of so-called "critical" minerals.While some northerners see this expansion as an opportunity to advance regional or national development, others have raised concerns with the social justice implications of critical minerals extraction on Indigenous territories. This article contributes to literature about critical minerals extraction in the North with case studies from Nunavut, Canada. Drawing on regulatory and media documents, it examines the three most advanced such projects in the territory: a proposed expansion to the Mary River iron mine; the proposed Kiggavik uranium project; and the proposed Grays Bay road and port project. The analysis focuses on understanding the potential implications of each project for the rights of Inuit and Dene. Because all three projects have the potential to negatively affect Inuit and Dene harvesting rights- and because the construction and/or expansion of each project faces significant local and/or regional opposition-it would be inappropriate to fast-track or streamline regulatory processes.
The Canadian Rangers are a part-time, non-commissioned, community-based subcomponent of the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF). The Rangers operate in Canada's three territories and the northern regions of many Canadian provinces. This article focuses on the nearly 2,000 Canadian Rangers (specifically those in the First Canadian Rangers Patrol Group, 1CRPG) living in 65 communities throughout the Canadian Territorial North. Most Rangers in 1CRPG are Indigenous. This article examines the tangible and intangible value the Rangers provide to the CAF and the Canadian government, particularly in supporting Canada's security and sovereignty. It argues that the Rangers have existed for eighty years as a force multiplier for the CAF through their direct connections to the communities where they live, their intimate knowledge of the nearby land and waters, and their skills in surviving the harsh northern climate. The re-election of Donald Trump to the United States presidency and his isolationist and trade threats have caused Canadians to be more supportive of increased military spending.The security role of the Rangers within this higher level of military spending should be supportive of the CAF and focused on their skills and knowledge of northern conditions. This article concludes that the Canadian government can reinforce its sovereignty in the Territorial North and encourage sustainable northern economic development by supporting the Rangers in mobilizing northern people to continue building communities that are even more self-reliant and resilient.
As part of modern treaties in the Yukon, self-governing Yukon First Nations each hold title to significant amounts of "Settlement Land." Modernization of the Yukon Government's Land Titles Act in 2016 made it possible for subsidiary title, including leasehold interests on Settlement Land, to be entered on theYukon Government's land titles registry without extinguishing Indigenous rights and title. The Land Titles Act changes also means that development on Settlement Land is now "bankable," as lending institutions have gained the authority to seize a leasehold land title in case a mortgage defaults. Modernization of the Yukon's land titles statute was a first step in unlocking the potential of Settlement Lands for the benefit of Yukon First Nations citizens and beneficiaries, and encouraging economic development throughout theYukon. In addition to describing how the Yukon's land titles statute was modernized, this article identifies next steps in realizing the economic development potential, including a discussion of potential benefits and remaining challenges for projects related to leasehold developments on Settlement Land.The article concludes by highlighting examples of early leasehold development successes.
Rural communities in the Yukon tend to be very small, most with fewer than 1,000 people, with mixed Indigenous and non-Indigenous populations. Although small, these communities face economic, social, and environmental issues similar to larger centres. These problems are complex and require a collective response from multiple governments or organizations. This research project explored the factors of inter-organizational collaboration and examined the status of cooperation between Self-Governing First Nations (SGFNs) and municipalities in rural Yukon in order to understand the factors that strengthen collaborative processes and any barriers to these processes.The project involved interviews with six key informants who are, or were, directly involved with a municipality, territorial government, or an SGFN.The research found that while most SGFNs and municipalities engage with each other, the trend is towards minimal cooperation, although relationships are improving slowly. All respondents agreed that SGFNs and municipalities in ruralYukon should collaborate more, for reasons including the need to make the best use of resources and social justice such as reconciliation. Frequently cited barriers to collaboration include a lack of human resource capacity and staff turnover. Other barriers are community histories and Indigenous and non-Indigenous relationships. The enabling factor of common understanding has some unique features in the Yukon. The region is a complex myriad of jurisdictions-territorial, First Nations, and municipal governments-with conflicting, competing, and separate mandates. However, the informants felt that a common understanding for First Nations and municipalities should be working together to benefit their entire communities.
With a recognition that reconciliation within post-secondary education in Canada requires both decolonization- deconstructing structures and practices that privilege Eurocentric world views-and Indigenization-elevating Indigenous Knowledges and participation-this study explored how seven non-Indigenous post-secondary instructors in the Yukon are interpreting these concepts through their teaching practices. Applying a thematic analysis to semi-structured interviews revealed a number of pedagogies that fl ow fi rst and foremost from the respondents' understandings of personal identity and positionality. The pedagogies described in this study include a decolonized spirit of learning, physical learning environment, the ability to create and hold space, welcoming the whole student, and collaboration/relationality. By connecting to a review of Indigenous scholarship, these pedagogies (and missing pieces) were further examined,with a look toward perceived challenges in this work and potential sites of action.
Alaska Native Sovereignty and the Federal Trust Responsibility to Indigenous Peoples in Alaska are two principles that have evolved through time. Interpretation of their meanings and application of government policy reflects basic cultural differences between the settler and Indigenous populations.
Cities and municipalities have emerged as important actors in climate governance, building capacity and leverage through networks. City networks have led to increased agency for local governments at national and international scales but fail to represent northern, rural, and remote geographies. In response, the Northern British Columbia Climate Action Network (NorthCAN) emerged out of a desire to generate connections in the region and across public and private sectors. This research examined NorthCAN as a regional and multi-sector organization that has the goal of accelerating low-carbon transitions in northern British Columbia. It was informed by data collected via survey and qualitative interviews with active NorthCAN members. Our discussion explores the barriers and opportunities at play in this case of networked climate governance, while exploring equity, policy mobility, and community-centred transition as key themes.
