Studies on Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) have long focused on sustainability at the corporate level, but has neglected the sustainability of CSR programs themselves. Many programs have failed to produce long-term social and environmental impacts. This issue is explored in this study using stakeholder theory. Given the dynamic nature of CSR programs in developing countries, which operate under institutional constraints and limited state capacity, program sustainability is not easy to achieve. Existing research often imposes a binary distinction (“successful” versus “failed”) regarding the sustainability of CSR programs implemented by companies in developing countries. This study rejects this long-held view and proposes that sustainability is a relational process that continuously evolves through adaptive interactions between a company’s internal and external factors. Applying a multiple-case study method, this study analyzes two Indonesian companies: PT Semen Indonesia Tuban Plant and PT Badak LNG. Findings confirm that sustainability is never limited to a binary classification, but rather constitutes a spectrum encompassing four conditions: fully sustainable and thriving, sustainable and growing, partially sustainable, and terminated. This study develops an interaction model CSR program sustainability, explaining that the impact of internal factors—including project design, organizational governance, and management capacity—can only be strengthened through their interaction with external factors such as stakeholder relationships and policy changes. Key events serve as pivotal points shaping a program’s development, while communication and coordination link all relevant elements. Ultimately, this study enriches classical stakeholder theory and highlights the role of companies in developing countries as subjects of governance.
Strained diplomatic relations between Iran and the United States have historically been characterised by ongoing strife, involving sensitive issues like nuclear programs, economic penalties, and Middle Eastern power struggles. The tension intensified during Trump’s presidency. This study highlights the most favoured term used by the US President, Donald Trump, on social media to talk about Iran. It employs corpus-assisted critical discourse analysis (CACDA) combined with Fairclough's three-dimensional framework to examine Iranophobia in Trump's social media posts from 2016 to 2020 across X (formerly Twitter ), Facebook, and Instagram. The analysis was conducted at three levels: micro (keyword extraction, collocation, and concordance), meso (social media platform bias), and macro (global impact of Trump's Iran policies). Findings revealed Iranophobia across six categories: (1) war and conflict, (2) terrorism, (3) government and politics, (4) nuclear weapons, (5) economics, and (6) human rights. The meso- level analysis demonstrated that Trump's social media content was biased when depicting violence in the Middle East, which might explain why X blocked his account for inflammatory content with social impact in the US. The macro-level analysis indicated how Trump's harsh economic policies against Iran generated global Iranophobia. The research concludes that social media not only offers alternative discourse but can also recontextualise traditional media discourse in representing Iranophobia, albeit more aggressively and overtly.
Artificial Intelligence (AI) platforms’ algorithms could generate information and strategies for electoral campaigns. One of the leading AI platforms in Indonesia, pemilu.ai, can produce AI-driven campaigns, priority programs, and priority districts based on legislative candidate preferences. This research aims to understand the impact of AI-driven campaigns on the evolving democratic process, particularly during the 2024 Indonesian election. We utilised case study analysis by combining archival data with semi-structured interviews with an AI platform’s CEO and founders, governments, and AI experts. The results indicate a transformation of election campaign strategies driven by AI technology. While AI potentially promotes democracy by suggesting campaign management effectiveness, lowering campaign budgets, and providing a better understanding of constituent issues, the risk of AI to democracy should be considered, including the risk of inequality in decision-making, particularly for minority issues. The use of AI in election campaigns to determine a candidate's program and strategy may drive the shift from democracy to algocracy, a system where algorithms take a central role in the decision-making process. This article extends democracy literature with regard to the roles of AI technology.
This study aims to examine the actor-discourse network in the debate surrounding the 2008 Joint Ministerial Decree (SKB; Surat Keputusan Bersama) concerning the Ahmadiyah Muslim Community, which has long served as an instrument to legitimise violence against this minority group. To understand how this debate took shape, who the actors were, what discourses emerged, and what kind of network was formed, this study employs the Discourse Network Analysis (DNA) method, focusing on the digital traces (statements) of actors on news media and organisational websites. The data were processed using DNA Analyzer and Visone software. The findings indicate that discourse regarding the SKB initially centred on the regulation of the Ahmadiyah, with regulation-oriented actors dominating the discourse network. However, due to the prevalence of violence linked to the SKB, the discourse shifted toward a review, and even the revocation, of the SKB, with various actors forming coalitions to advocate for this disposition. The government emerged as a change maker and a mediator between the opposing sides. This study affirms that the dynamic nature of the SKB discourse could pave the way for a revocation. In other words, the actor-discourse network formed around the SKB can drive policy institutionalisation.
This study aims to analyze the Ministry of Forestry’s press release as a public relations medium in environmental crisis communication, particularly concerning the degradation of Sumatran elephant habitat in Tesso Nilo National Park following flash floods. The study is motivated by increasing public scrutiny over elephant deaths, deforestation, and palm oil expansion perceived as drivers of ecological crisis. Using a qualitative approach, this research applies Norman Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), encompassing textual analysis, discursive practice, and social practice. Data were collected from various forms of discourse texts, including news coverage, speeches, articles, and formal statements, through a documentation approach utilizing mass media and official website sources.The findings reveal that the press release functions not merely as an informational tool, but as a strategic crisis communication instrument to construct policy legitimacy and manage public perception. Through authoritative diction, emotional metaphors, technocratic figures, and restorative framing, the government positions itself as a protective actor while marginalizing structural causes of ecological degradation. Moreover, euphemistic language and the appropriation of public participation symbols indicate the normalization of power relations and discursive co-optation. This study concludes that government press releases operate as political and ideological discursive practices in environmental crisis communication rather than neutral informational texts. Penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisis siaran pers Kementerian Kehutanan sebagai media public relations dalam komunikasi krisis lingkungan, khususnya terkait isu kerusakan habitat Gajah Sumatera di Taman Nasional Tesso Nilo pasca banjir bandang tahun 2025. Latar belakang penelitian ini adalah meningkatnya sorotan publik terhadap kematian gajah, deforestasi, dan ekspansi sawit yang dipersepsikan sebagai penyebab krisis ekologis. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode Analisis Wacana Kritis (AWK) model Norman Fairclough yang mencakup analisis teks, praktik wacana, dan praktik sosial. Data diperoleh dari teks wacana seperti berita, pidato, artikel, dan pernyataan resmi diserta kumpulkan melalui teknik dokumentasi dari media massa dan situs resmi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa siaran pers tidak hanya berfungsi sebagai media informasi, tetapi juga sebagai instrumen komunikasi krisis yang membangun legitimasi kebijakan dan mengelola persepsi publik. Melalui diksi otoritatif, metafora emosional, angka teknokratis, serta pembingkaian restoratif, pemerintah memosisikan diri sebagai aktor penyelamat, sementara akar struktural krisis ekologis cenderung disederhanakan atau dihilangkan. Selain itu, penggunaan bahasa eufemistis dan simbol partisipasi publik menunjukkan adanya normalisasi relasi kuasa dan ko-opsi wacana lingkungan. Penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa siaran pers pemerintah merupakan praktik wacana politis dan ideologis dalam komunikasi krisis lingkungan, bukan sekadar teks informatif.
