Poverty and political instability are two fundamental issues that continue to shape governance and public policy in many countries, particularly in the Global South. Despite the rapid growth of the literature on these issues, studies that systematically map conceptual relationships, research trends, and global knowledge structures remain limited. Existing research often treats poverty and political instability as separate or loosely connected phenomena, thereby overlooking the institutional and political mechanisms that link them. This article addresses this gap by examining how global research has constructed the relationship between poverty and political instability, with particular attention to the Global South. The study employs a bibliometric approach, analysing 706 Scopus-indexed publications from 2016 to 2025 using VOSviewer. The findings indicate a significant increase in academic attention since 2019 and reveal that poverty is predominantly framed in relation to governance, public policy, and health, while its direct linkage to political instability remains comparatively underexplored. The analysis also highlights persistent geographic disparities in knowledge production, with the Global North dominating publication networks despite increasing contributions from the Global South. These findings contribute to the literature by clarifying the structural positioning of poverty within contemporary governance debates and by identifying gaps in the empirical examination of political instability. However, this study is limited by its reliance on a single database (Scopus) and the constraints of bibliometric analysis in capturing contextual and causal dynamics. Overall, the study underscores the need for more integrative and context-sensitive approaches to understanding the relationship between poverty and political instability in the Global South.
The Republic of Indonesia's Constitutional Court (MK RI) garnered significant public attention during the 2024 elections due to two contentious rulings it rendered. The age restriction for presidential and vicepresidential candidates was the subject of the first ruling, while challenges to the election results were the subject of the second. It's interesting to note that a number of judges have expressed opinions that differ from the rulings in these two contentious decisions, a fact known as dissenting opinions. This study intends to investigate the legal foundation of dissenting opinions and the legal ramifications of such decisions using qualitative approaches, bolstered by document analysis, case studies, and jurisprudence analysis. This study concludes that, with regard to two contentious rulings made by the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia regarding the 2024 elections, divergent viewpoints have no bearing on the rule of law but do have an effect on judges' individual authority and can provoke public discussion. The contrasting viewpoints expressed in dissenting opinions contribute to a richer legal discourse, particularly when it comes to the significance of substantive and procedural justice in Indonesian elections. This study recommends that the nomination, determination, and selection of judges for the constitutional court be carried out in a transparent, responsible manner that takes into account increased public involvement in an effort to preserve legal sovereignty while defending the ideals and principles of democracy. Rather than going via a political process rife with interests that diminish the court's authority and credibility as a stand-alone judicial body
The weakness of formal accountability mechanisms in local financial governance has led to the persistence of customary-based oversight practices in various local communities, including the Bau Lolon ritual in East Flores. Using an ethnographic qualitative approach, this study employs in-depth interviews, participant observation, and analysis of official documents and customary archives to examine how Bau Lolon functions as a hybrid accountability mechanism. The findings reveal that Bau Lolon functions as both a living law and a traditional integrity pact that binds public officials, contractors, and the community through a cosmic contract believed to carry non-negotiable spiritual consequences. Field findings indicate that this ritual is employed in oaths of office, oversight of development funds, and the resolution of accountability conflicts, thereby providing a moral infrastructure of governance that complements the shortcomings of formal law. This study concludes that Bau Lolon is an instrument of indigenous public administration that affirms the role of customary law in strengthening the integrity of public governance. This study recommends the need for further exploration through mixed-methods approaches and cross-cultural comparative studies to strengthen the empirical basis and expand the global relevance of the concept of ritual-based hybrid accountability.
This study aims to examine the collaborative dynamics of the Pentahelix model in disaster risk reduction efforts in Bintan Regency. The study is grounded in the high disaster vulnerability of the region, including floods, extreme weather, high waves, coastal abrasion, forest and land fires, and drought. This research employs a qualitative approach, with data collected through in-depth interviews, Focus Group Discussions (FGDs), and document analysis, including the 2022–2026 Disaster Risk Assessment. The findings reveal that the five main actors in the Pentahelix model, namely government, academia, business sector, media, and community, actively participate in disaster risk reduction forums with different but complementary roles. The government acts as regulator and coordinator, academia contributes scientific knowledge, the business sector supports logistics and Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) initiatives, media disseminates disaster information, and communities implement local preparedness strategies. The study identifies a sharing power pattern among actors, demonstrating that disaster risk reduction responsibility is distributed across sectors rather than centralized in government. Theoretically, these findings extend the Pentahelix model by demonstrating that disaster risk reduction collaboration is not only based on role distribution but also on adaptive power-sharing among actors, particularly in archipelagic and disaster-prone regions, thereby enriching collaborative governance theory in disaster management contexts. In conclusion, the Pentahelix model is relevant for strengthening disaster resilience in Bintan Regency through integrated local resources and capacities. However, this study is limited by its territorial scope and lack of long-term impact analysis. Future research is recommended to conduct comparative studies in other archipelagic regions and explore technological innovation and digital media in enhancing community resilience.
This study examines the international political dynamics and power asymmetries that shaped the negotiation and institutionalization of the Loss and Damage Fund (LDF) under the UNFCCC framework. While loss and damage has historically been marginalized within global climate governance, its elevation at COP27 reflects a significant shift driven by contestation between developed and developing countries. The research integrates historical institutionalism and Global South dependency theory to analyze how institutional legacies, path-dependent mechanisms, and structural inequalities have influenced the design and operationalization of the LDF. Methodologically, this study employs a qualitative-explanatory, process-tracing approach to capture the evolution of negotiations and institutional outcomes. Data are drawn from systematic analysis of UNFCCC negotiation texts, official COP decisions, and policy reports. The findings demonstrate that early institutional design choices shaped by the normative and financial dominance of developed countries generated path-dependent constraints that limited the redistributive and justice-oriented potential of the LDF. However, Global South actors exercised strategic agency by reframing loss and damage as a moral and political issue grounded in historical responsibility, rather than a purely technical concern. Through coalition diplomacy, discursive contestation, and procedural resistance, these actors were able to secure formal recognition of irreversible climate harm within the UNFCCC regime. This study advances climate justice scholarship by offering a theoretically integrated explanation of how structurally disadvantaged actors can reshape institutional outcomes within an unequal global governance system. The LDF thus emerges not merely as a financial mechanism, but as a contested site of institutional transformation, where future effectiveness will depend on governance arrangements, equitable access, and sustained political negotiation.
Public satisfaction is an important indicator in government agencies' assessment of the success and effectiveness of public services. Satisfaction reflects the extent to which the government has succeeded in meeting the needs and expectations of citizens and can be the basis for the improvement and development of policies that are more in line with community needs. This study analyzes the effect of transformative services and managerial roles on community satisfaction at the Payakumbuh Public Service Mall. The study employed a quantitative research design with an associative approach, utilizing data collected from 220 participants selected through simple random sampling methodology. Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) analysis was conducted using AMOS software to examine the hypothesized causal relationships among the constructs. The results showed that transformative services and the role of managers have a positive and significant influence on community satisfaction. The findings emphasize the importance of implementing transformative services and active managerial roles in improving public satisfaction with public services. This research provides valuable insights for public service managers to optimize service quality and managerial roles in meeting community expectations.
This study examines the political motivations underlying the National Awakening Party’s (PKB) decision to join the Indonesia Maju Coalition following the 2024 presidential election by integrating insights from coalition theory, particularly office-seeking and policy-seeking frameworks, as well as party institutionalization theory. This research adopts a qualitative case study approach to uncover micro-level motivations through the analysis of multi-source data, including credible online news reports, official party documents, and elite public statements.The findings demonstrate that PKB’s realignment is not merely a general pragmatic shift but reflects a calculated balance between office-seeking and policy-seeking behavior. Empirically, PKB’s maneuver is evidenced by its targeted pursuit of strategic cabinet positions, indicating a structured effort to secure institutional access to executive power. At the same time, the study finds that PKB actively negotiates policy influence, particularly in socio-economic and religious-based welfare programs, to maintain alignment with its traditional voter base. Furthermore, the role of Muhaimin Iskandar is identified as a decisive factor, where leadership consolidation and personal political survival shape party strategy. The research also reveals that long-standing relational ties with Prabowo Subianto function as informal political capital, facilitating smoother coalition entry and reducing transactional costs. This study contributes to the literature by providing a micro-level empirical explanation of post-election coalition realignment in Indonesia, highlighting how ideological narratives are strategically embedded within pragmatic power calculations. Unlike previous studies that treat coalition shifts as purely opportunistic or structurally determined, this research demonstrates that PKB’s decision reflects a hybrid model of political behavior, where institutional interests, leadership agency, and policy aspirations interact simultaneously.
West Aceh Regency is a highly strategic agro-based region located in the western part of Aceh Province. This regency has abundant natural resources, particularly rice fields in the subdistricts of Kaway XVI, Woyla, Wayla Barat, Panteun Reu, Arongan, and Samatiga, which are the most extensive compared to other regions. The objective of this research is to realize the implementation of government policies and the Keujruen Blang customary institution in accordance with Qanun No. 10 of 2008 concerning the Aceh Customary Institution in order to achieve the SDGs Goal-I8 development targets. The organizational pattern within the traditional farmer institution is a coordination system in the management of rice fields from the planning stage, organization, evaluation, and monitoring, as well as the improvement of the socio-economic development of farmer groups in West Aceh Regency.The potential results of this research can be used as a reference or input and recommendation for the West Aceh Regency government in implementing a policy system for developing local wisdom resources in organizing adaptive and dynamic indigenous farmer institutions in a sustainable manner in West Aceh Regency. Based on the research results, there are four government resource strategies in planning agriculture based on local wisdom in the socio-cultural elements of agriculture. The legality of the Keujreun blang customary institution in agricultural governance can be empowered through the development of science and technology-based agriculture as well as increased involvement of customary institutions in decision-making for dynamic and adaptive strategic agricultural plans in village development.
Indonesia’s downstream mining policy under President Joko Widodo has emerged as a pivotal strategy to transform the national economy from resource extraction to industrial value creation. This study examines the policy’s effectiveness and socio-economic implications of the downstream mining policy using a qualitative descriptive approach supported by document analysis and secondary data from government reports, academic studies, and industrial statistics. The analysis is framed through Adam Smith’s classical economic theory, focusing on the principles of limited government intervention, division of labour, and public welfare. The findings reveal that the down streaming policy has successfully increased the export value of processed minerals, attracted investment in smelting industries, and generated employment opportunities. However, the benefits remain uneven due to regulatory inconsistency, rent-seeking practices, and environmental degradation in mining regions. From a theoretical standpoint, Indonesia’s case reflects both adherence to and divergence from Smithian ideals—combining state-led industrialization with market-driven efficiency. The study concludes that to ensure sustainable downstream development, Indonesia must reinforce institutional integrity, regulatory transparency, and environmental responsibility. The Indonesian experience thus offers valuable lessons for other resource-dependent nations pursuing structural economic transformation.
Indonesia’s energy transition presents a paradox: while the state commits to decarbonization, coal remains central to national energy and industrial policy. This study examines the challenges facing energy democracy in Indonesia amidst the ongoing energy transition within the coal sector. This article investigates how state-led energy transitions policies under the Joko Widodo administration reconfigure coal as part of a “green” development pathway and the implications for energy democracy. The study employs a qualitative methods by review analysis of policy documents, academic literature, and civil society reports to examine policy framing, governance arrangements, and community impacts. Drawing on political ecology, green grabbing, and energy democracy frameworks, the analysis shows that centralized decision-making enables coal infrastructure to persist through mechanism such as biomass co-firing, downstream industrialization, and strategic industry exemptions. The article contributes to energy transition scholarship by showing how decarbonization policies can simultaneously advance climate commitments and reproduce extractive governance. Rather than a shift away from fossil fuels, Indonesia’s transition represents a reconfiguration of coal dependence within a green developmental framework, raising question about the feasibility of energy democracy in centralized energy systems.
This study examines the challenges of implementing the Electronic-Based Government System (SPBE) in Sabu Raijua Regency, one of Indonesia’s frontier, outermost, and least developed (3T) regions located in East Nusa Tenggara Province. The selection of Sabu Raijua as the focus of analysis is grounded in its representative status as a 3T area, which faces structural and contextual constraints in advancing digital governance. Employing a qualitative approach, the research involved in-depth interviews, field observations, and document analysis with 33 informants, including heads of local agencies, staff, and citizens as service recipients. The findings reveal four significant challenges in implementing SPBE for realizing digital bureaucracy in Sabu Raijua: (1) policy-related barriers, (2) institutional limitations, (3) inadequate infrastructure, and (4) weaknesses in application systems. SPBE enhances bureaucratic innovation and digital governance, thereby improving efficiency, accountability, and public participation. However, the implementation of SPBE in this region encounters unique challenges that demand innovative and adaptive approaches to ensure effectiveness and inclusiveness. Accordingly, the study highlights the need for locally tailored policies, adaptive and collaborative digital architecture, bottom-up approaches, and strengthening local bureaucratic capacity.
Bureaucratic reform has become a strategic foundation for improving public service quality and strengthening governance in Indonesia. The city of Surabaya stands out as a leading case, achieving the highest Bureaucratic Reform Index in 2024 through consistent integration of digital innovation, human resource development, and participatory governance. This study analyzes Surabaya’s best reform practices including the Public Service Mall, the WargaKu complaint system, Surabaya Single Window, and Satu Data Surabaya and how they contribute to the realization of Good Urban Governance. Using a descriptive qualitative approach, the research draws upon secondary data from official reports, academic studies, and government evaluations. The findings show that these reforms have significantly improved efficiency, transparency, accountability, participation, and responsiveness, transforming Surabaya into a more citizen-oriented administration. Nevertheless, the reform process also faced challenges such as bureaucratic resistance, digital inequality, and inter-agency coordination gaps, which were mitigated through leadership commitment and multi-actor collaboration. The study contributes both practically by identifying replicable reform strategies for other cities and theoretically by illustrating how localized bureaucratic reform operationalizes the principles of good urban governance in developing contexts. Future research is recommended to assess the long-term sustainability and adaptability of such reforms across cities with varying administrative capacities. Surabaya’s experience demonstrates that sustainable governance is built not only through structural reform, but through continuous digital innovation, institutional learning, and citizen participation.
This study analyzes the influence of leadership style and work motivation on employee productivity in the Batam City Government (Pemko Batam), considering the work environment as an intermediary variable. The method used is a mixed approach between qualitative and quantitative methods. For the qualitative approach, in-depth interviews, field observations, and document studies related to the research object were conducted. Meanwhile, for the quantitative approach, a survey was conducted on 250 employees at Pemko Batam, with data collected through questionnaires distributed using purposive sampling. The results of the study show that both qualitative and quantitative approaches have the same correlation results: leadership style significantly affects employee productivity, work motivation has a positive relationship with employee productivity, and the work environment is proven to act as an intermediary variable that affects the relationship between leadership style and work motivation with employee productivity in the Batam City Government.
This paper presents a rigorous comparative study of the Islamic Caliphate and the Vatican City State, which operates under the governance of the Roman Catholic Church. Both institutions are anchored in authoritative theological doctrine, yet their historical evolution, mechanisms of legitimation, and global reception have unfolded in sharply contrasting manners. The Caliphate, conceived as the apex of Islamic authority uniting political and spiritual oversight, underwent a sequence of crises, culminating in the formal abolition in 1924, resulting in an enduring contest over its contemporary significance. The Vatican, by contrast, has displayed remarkable durability, its papal leadership securing a distinctive role in secular diplomacy and international governance, sustained by a coherent apparatus that transcends the territorial confines. The core finding is that the Vatican’s enduring stability stems from its successful transformation of theological mandate into widely recognized diplomatic legitimacy and transnational soft power. This contrasts with the Caliphate’s decline, which was accelerated by its structural entanglement with territorial governance and military power, leading to perceptions of it as an anachronism. This study contributes a novel cross-civilizational analytical template, treating both entities as theocratic formations. It compares their historical processes, modes of theological authority, and patterns of political reception within their respective polities. The principal innovation resides in this comparative frame, which illuminates how religion is mobilized as institutional power and addresses the contrasting degrees of global endorsement each system receives.Employing a qualitative, descriptive-analytical framework grounded in a multiple case study methodology, this inquiry seeks to advance religious political theory by unraveling the nuanced interplay between religious institutions and the apparatus of the state.
The gig economy trend is increasing and growing in the general public, including in developing countries, especially in a cross-border context. Technological advancements, the growth of the platform-based economy, and changing work patterns and preferences have made gig workers one of the subjects of concern for researchers and governments. Therefore, a comprehensive understanding of gig economy workers is very important, especially in the context of developing countries such as Indonesia, with reference to several important issues such as examining income, job security, and social support. This study examines the income, job security, and social support experienced by gig workers, specifically drivers, in the city of Atambua, a cross-border region in Indonesia. Utilising qualitative methods and purposive sampling, the research involved informants from diverse backgrounds. The findings reveal that supplementary income serves as the primary motivation for individuals engaging in gig work. Additionally, the flexibility in both scheduling and tasks has garnered strong community support for gig workers in Atambua, as their roles contribute significantly to employment absorption. However, job security remains a critical issue, as it is not accounted for within the daily wages earned by these workers. This underscores a notable vulnerability within the gig economy in Atambua.
This study aims to enhance the smart governance performance in the Papua and West Papua Governments in their current condition, especially on the website and platform X. The method of this study is qualitative with a case study approach. The data collected through the documentation technique based on the website and X account of the Papua and West Papua Governments, official government data, online mass media and previous studies literature. This study found that the smart governance in the Papua and West Papua Governments is not optimal and requires improvement in public service, transparency, and public participation indicators. Several challenges of smart governance implementation in both local governments are the infrastructure limitations, low digital literacy capability, and internet signal inclusivity. This study has several suggestions to improve the smart governance performance in the Papua and West Papua Governments. (1) The Papua and West Papua Governments must prioritize digital training for the bureaucracy to enhance digital literacy in the government. (2) The Papua and West Papua Governments are also required to improve their education curriculum to include digital skills for students. Further research is proposed to map the citizens sentimental perception about smart governance in both local governments by social media analysis
This study aims to determine the effect of rewards, punishments, work environment, incentives, and work discipline on employee performance at the Batu Aji Subdistrict Office, Batam City. Employee performance plays a very important role in the success of public sector services, so understanding the factors that influence it is very important. This study uses a quantitative approach with a survey method involving fifty employees as respondents. The data obtained were analyzed using multiple linear regression after being collected through questionnaires. The results showed that rewards, work environment, incentives, and work discipline had a significant effect on employee performance, while punishment had no significant effect. Rewards, work environment, incentives, and work discipline were proven to have the greatest partial effect on employee performance. These findings contribute theoretically to enriching the literature on factors that influence employee performance in the sector, as well as contributing practically to government management to pay more attention to these aspects in order to improve employee performance at the Batu Aji Subdistrict Office. However, this study has limitations in terms of the relatively small sample size, which should be expanded for broader generalization in future studies.
Voting behavior is an important part of the democratic process which can investigate the factors that influence constituents in choosing leaders. The purpose of this paper is to find out how the voting behavior of indigenous minority communities in determining leaders. The indigenous minority community is the object of research, which means that the community is part of the indigenous ethnic element but because of its origin from another area, it is considered a migrant. The main argument of this paper is that Kampa people choose regional heads influenced by sociological factors based on the social environment. This research is a qualitative study using the Social Circle Theory by George Simmel. In this study, data was collected using primary data through direct interviews, and secondary data was collected through scientific journals and online mass media. The results of the study found that the voting behavior of the Kampa community was influenced by first, namely political preferences which vote based on considerations from traditional leaders, second geopolitics where geographically the area inhabited is the majority of Minangkabau tribes, and third based on socio-economic structures that influence rational reasons for choosing regional heads.
Tax compliance remains a persistent issue in Indonesia, especially at the regional level, where actual tax revenues still fall short of their potential. Despite tax revenue’s vital role in national development, many taxpayers do not file returns or fully comply with tax obligations. This problem is evident at the Regional Office of the Directorate General of Taxes (DGT) East Java I, which faces low compliance rates. Prior research suggests tax compliance depends not only on tax enforcement but also on public trust and participatory mechanisms such as whistleblowing. However, limited research has integrated these elements into a single framework. This study aims to examine the direct effects of whistleblowing and tax law enforcement on tax compliance and the mediating role of trust, based on the Slippery Slope Framework. A quantitative research design was employed, using primary data from questionnaires distributed to 400 individual taxpayers registered at DGT East Java I. Respondents were selected through purposive sampling to ensure direct tax experience. Findings show that whistleblowing significantly improves tax compliance, tax law enforcement negatively affects tax compliance, and trust fully mediates these relationships. The study contributes theoretically by extending the Slippery Slope Framework and practically by offering guidance for tax authorities to enhance whistleblowing systems, ensure transparent enforcement, and build public trust.
This study explores the phenomenon of political thuggery in the management of parking business in Pekanbaru City through a patron-client perspective. In the parking business, the patron-client relationship involves political actors, government officials, and thugs forming a network of mutual benefits. This practice has an impact on increasing social injustice and hampers transparent parking governance. This study uses a qualitative approach with data collection techniques in the form of in-depth interviews, observations, and document analysis. The results of the study showed that patrons provided legal and political protection to clients who were in charge of managing and securing parking areas informally. This study recommends the digitization of the parking system, strengthening regulations, and the involvement of civil society to break the chain of thuggery. This reform is expected to create fairer and more sustainable parking governance.
