For the European Union, the Mediterranean region holds strategic importance. It is an area of many opportunities, but also of considerable challenges. The numerous crises currently affecting the region, including the demographic one, have disrupted the Braudelian perception of the Mediterranean as a maritime basin surrounded by societies, cultures, nations and economies, whose interactions over the decades – despite their diversity – constituted an added value, making it a true “cultural area.” Unfortunately, socio-economic uncertainty, unemployment, conflicts and climate change have made a return to such thinking impossible. In recent years, these factors have worsened due to the internal instability of several states on the southern flank of the Mediterranean Basin, including the Maghreb countries. The European Union’s involvement in stabilising the situation in the region and supporting the Maghreb states has been longstanding and visible at various levels of activity since the 1960s. Today, more than ever, the support provided to the southern partners focuses on strengthening the resilience of their societies – particularly the youth – and their governments in implementing demographic and employment policies. Both the European Union and the governments of the Maghreb states are fully aware of the challenges they face on a daily basis. This, in turn, compels governments to engage with other actors at multiple levels in pursuit of shared objectives, creating what may be described as a form of regional governance order.The purpose of this article is to analyse socio-cultural factors as key driving forces shaping the application of new patterns of interaction between the European Union and the Maghreb states. Their identification will make it possible to capture the nature of Euro–Maghreb challenges and to understand how current developments within the Arab states of North Africa influence the evolution of their relations with the European Union.
The article analyses the evolution of Poland’s foreign trade between 2004 and 2023, set within the broader framework of the European Union’s (EU) Common Commercial Policy (CCP). International trade remains a key driver of global economic integration, shaped by classical theories such as Smith’s absolute advantage and Ricardo’s comparative advantage, as well as modern concepts of economic integration. Poland’s accession to the EU in 2004 marked a turning point in its trade development, providing access to the single market and the EU’s extensive network of trade agreements. The study examines changes in trade volume, dynamics, and structure – both geographical and product-based – to assess the impact of EU membership on Poland’s position in the international division of labour.A descriptive approach was applied, combining a review of the literature with statistical data from OEC to identify trends and structural shifts in Polish exports and imports. The analysis reveals that EU integration led to a substantial increase in trade value, stronger ties with EU markets, and gradual diversification towards non-EU destinations. The period studied includes key external shocks such as the 2008–2009 global financial crisis, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the economic repercussions of the war in Ukraine, each leaving a distinct imprint on trade flows.The findings confirm the research hypothesis, showing that Poland’s EU membership significantly boosted the value, dynamics, and geographical diversification of its foreign trade. While Germany remains Poland’s dominant trading partner, the growing role of other EU members and China highlights an ongoing diversification strategy. The study contributes to the literature on trade integration by offering an in-depth analysis of a post-transition economy’s trade trajectory within the EU framework, providing insights into the interplay between policy alignment, market access, and external shocks in shaping trade patterns.
The article explores new developments in the Central Eastern Europe, concentrating on regional and global initiatives and alliances, role of infrastructure in times of increased risk of new conflicts, and how the European Union’s policies and institutions are adjusting and responding to that. The Article seeks to explain through the lens of neorealism how the individual interest of the CEE member states influences changes of Cohesion Policy towards dual use infrastructure investment. The article also examine impact on evaluation methods and how to adjust and assess the EU’s policies towards budling defense capabilities using the European Union’s instruments.
The article examines the evolution and contemporary determinants of relations between the European Union and the Southern Common Market (Mercosur), presenting them as an example of a complex and asymmetric interregional partnership. The aim of the article is to identify the principal factors that that either facilitate or impede cooperation between the two regional blocs against the backdrop of dynamic geopolitical, economic, and environmental transformations. Drawing on the theoretical framework of interregionalism, the analysis demonstrates that, notwithstanding recurrent crises and prolonged negotiation deadlocks, EU–Mercosur relations retain their strategic relevance. In the economic domain, asymmetry prevails, as the EU is primarily an exporter of industrial goods and technology, whereas Mercosur exports mainly raw materials and agricultural products. This imbalance generates tensions regarding market access and agricultural subsidies. In the political dimension, the partnership is shaped by normative conditionality, while in the environmental domain disputes arise over how to balance development with environmental protection, particularly in relation to the implementation of the European Green Deal. The last part of the article elucidates the geopolitical determinants of the partnership, including the increasing influence of China, the United States, and the BRICS, as well as the relevance of cooperation with Mercosur for the European Union’s pursuit of strategic autonomy.
In the first part of the article, the author introduces the concept of contestation. He then outlines the key legal frameworks arising from Poland’s membership in the Council of Europe and the European Union, which Upper Silesian regionalists may invoke in their efforts to preserve, strengthen, and develop the region’s socio-cultural identity. The migration processes that unfolded after 1945 had a profound impact on the transformations within Upper Silesia. However, it was only after 1989 that Poles, Germans, and Silesians were able to engage freely in a public discussion about the region’s multicultural character. The preservation of Upper Silesia’s distinctiveness ultimately depends on whether regionalists succeed in engaging the new residents, who now form the majority population, in pursuing this shared goal.
