Slovenski teolog Vekoslav Grmič (1923Grmič ( -2005)), eden naših najpomembnejših dogmatikov druge polovice 20.stoletja, je v slovenskem in srednjeevropskem prostoru zapustil trdno sled v razumevanju nauka Cerkve, ki je bil v iskanju večne resnice o Bogu skozi stoletja zaznamovan z različnimi razlagami posameznih vprašanj verovanja.Grmičeva teološka in miselna ustvarjalnost je temeljila na dialoškem razumevanju bivanja, mišljenja in delovanja sveta, ki se nenehno spreminja in v katerem
Following the publication of Luther’s theses on 31 October 1517, the Diet of Worms was the next fundamental step in the reform movement of the 16th-century European Christianity. In the “Holy Roman Empire,” the way was opened for further religious and new institutional development in the previously unified church, culminating in the Peace of Augsburg in 1555, which granted individual rulers of political units in the country, princes, prince-bishops etc. the right to decide on the religion of their Catholic and Lutheran subjects. The immediate cause of “Worms 1521” and the consequent “Edict of Worms” were two papal bulls addressed to Luther. The first, Exsurge Domine from 1520, threatened him with excommunication unless he recanted almost one half of the theses published in 1517. Luther responded by proclaiming the pope the Antichrist, although he had until then somewhat avoided criticising him, and publicly burned the bull in December of the same year. Exsurge Domine was followed in January 1521 by the bull Decet Romanum Pontificem excommunicating Luther, which also meant death sentence and exile from the state. According to the established doctrine and practice the execution of the sentence would follow automatically. This doctrine was rejected by Frederick the Wise, Elector of Saxony, who was not convinced by the arguments about Luther’s “heresy” and demanded judgement by domestic experts and authorities. He had his University of Wittenberg in mind, which firmly defended Luther’s views. Frederick the Wise reached the agreement with Emperor Charles that “the case of Luther” would be discussed at the Diet, and that Luther was guaranteed safe arrival in Worms and return to Wittenberg. Luther appeared before the Diet on April 17 and 18. The party representing Luther’s conviction gave him only the option of renouncing the convicted theses, which is why he requested more time for reconsideration and was granted the emperor’s personal permission. The next day, on April 18, Luther performed brilliantly, to which the emperor personally responded on April 19. Thus, Emperor Charles and the monk Luther literally stood opposite each other at the Diet, in front of the highest representatives of the state, which was previously completely unimaginable. Both presented their religious perceptions and understandings, referring to their own conscience. They were in a very unequal position not only as emperor and monk; it was a much more sensitive matter, since the emperor was religiously “free” while Luther was a validly convicted and excommunicated “heretic”. The case of Luther at the Diet was far from solely religious in nature, but rather a reflection of the broader socio-religious situation at the turning point in history. The conflict culminated in the contradictions between “cultural” Rome and barbaric “Germanism”, as perfectly illustrated by the correspondence of the papal nuncio, Girolamo Aleandro the elder. The great understanding for Luther’s resistance to Rome was supported at the Diet by decades-old German complaints (gravamina) debated at Diets, which were not taken seriously in Rome. The most notable figures in the case of Luther (causa Lutheri) at the Diet were: Martin Luther, Emperor Charles V, Elector of Saxony Frederick the Wise, and the papal nuncio Girolamo Aleandro the elder. Although at the end of the Diet each of them was “victorious” in one way or another, the actual winner was Martin Luther, who achieved unprecedented success only by appearing before the Diet, not renouncing the convicted theses and being able to return to Wittenberg under the emperor’s protection. It is true that he published his fundamental reform writings as early as 1520, but the door for the Reformation has only now opened. After Luther was “abducted” on his way back, he undertook the translation of the Bible into German, which became the only recognized religious basis, and he incorporated his theology into the translation. He used his native, German language to communicate the faith. This was already demonstrated at the Diet, where he spoke first in German and only then in Latin for those who did not understand German, e.g. the emperor and the papal nuncio Aleandro. Pamphlets (Flugschriften) handed out in the streets also reported about the events at the Diet in German. At first glance, the conclusion of the Diet was not favorable for Luther. The Edict of Worms, dated May 8 and signed by the emperor on May 26, as an act of the emperor and not as a resolution of the Diet, legitimized Luther’s conviction. The edict was drafted by the nuncio Aleandro, and partly also by Peter Bonomo, later Trubar’s teacher. However, the edict did not have fatal consequences for Luther, because the emperor did not send it to the province of Saxony; consequently Frederick, Elector of Saxony, did not have to declare it, so the edict did not apply where the “heretic” lived. This, in turn, enabled Luther to continue working as both a religious reformer and a university professor at the University of Wittenberg, which became a central institution for the education of Lutheran reformers.
Prispevek povzema dognanja in poglede novejše nemške znanstvene literature o dogajanju na državnem zboru v Wormsu leta 1521, ki se je končalo z wormškim ediktom, s katerim je bila uveljavljena papeževa bula o ekskomunikaciji Luthra in obveza po izvršitvi predvidene kazni.
»Zmerni pragmatizem« Jeffreyja Stouta kot filozofski pristop k javnemu moralnemu diskurzu v versko pluralni družbi je naletel na mešane odzive nasprotnih strani razprave o sekularizmu. Medtem ko številni politični teologi in komunitaristi trdijo, da Stout preveč popušča sekularistom, se po drugi strani nekaterim sekularistom zdi njegov vključujoči pristop do verskih utemeljitev v javnem diskurzu preveč »teološki «. Pričujoči esej ponuja ponovni pregled in nadaljnjo analizo zmernega pragmatizma v luči nedavnega dela na področju epistemologije demokracije (zlasti interpretacije Deweyjeve vključujoče in eksperimentalne demokracije, kot jo je podala Elizabeth Anderson) ter etike diskurza, ki temelji na teoriji hermenevtične (ne) pravičnosti Joseja Medine. Trdim, da je Stoutova normativna vizija javnega moralnega diskurza prepričljiva le, če določena načela, ki jih Stout bodisi potrjuje bodisi predpostavlja – močno načelo verske svobode, demokratično načelo vključenosti in načelo reševanja sporov diskurzivno in ne nasilno –, postavimo v njeno središče in jih razvijemo bolj, kot jih je v svojem delu razvil sam Stout. To tudi pomeni, da prej omenjene teorije – zlasti Medinovo teorijo hermenevtične (ne)pravičnosti – uporabim za vprašanje, ki ga ne obravnavajo, namreč: kako je mogoče in treba različne verske jezike vključiti v javno moralno razpravo? Rezultat je nova in močnejša različica zmerne pragmatistične vizije javnega moralnega diskurza ter obnovljen argument za kvalificirano sekularnost takega diskurza.
Članek obravnava medkonfesionalno sobivanje med katoličani in protestanti na Ptuju in v Mariboru 16. in zgodnjega 17. stoletja. Na podlagi najnovejših študij članek pokaže, da so medkonfesionalno sobivanje in strpnost tudi v spodnještajerskem Podravju, kot marsikje po Evropi, vzdrževale sorodstvene, sosedske, stanovske in gospodarske vezi, kar je na lokalni ravni upočasnjevalo tudi protireformacijo. Pomemben primer dolgožive strpnosti v Podravju je protestantska šola za dekleta Ane Totting na Ptuju v zgodnjem 17. stoletju. Šoli je skoraj eno desetletje preživetje kljub pritiskom deželnoknežje reformacije omogočala Anina čezkonfesionalna družinska in medsosedska solidarnost.
Razprava obravnava pomen reformacije za razvoj slovenske etnične identitete. Čeprav je bilo obravnavano gibanje širom Evrope v prvi vrsti verske narave, so na slovenski premici zgodovine dolgega trajanja njegovi dosežki bolj kot na konfesionalnem vidni na področju izgradnje kolektivne etnične identitete. Deželnoknežja protireformacija je namreč v notranjeavstrijskih deželah zlasti med letoma 1598 in 1628 protestantizem odpravila, katoliška obnova pa se je pri svojem delu oprla na določene pridobitve reformacijske dobe. Po oceni razprave so za nadaljnji razvoj Slovencev kot etnične skupnosti pomembne zlasti štiri protestantske stvaritve iz dobe reformacije, in sicer: 1) knjižna norma, ki se je v polnosti izoblikovala med letoma 1550 in 1584, 2) koncept Slovenske cerkve, ki ga leta 1550 zasnoval Primož Trubar, 3) mit o etnični izbranosti, oprt na stavek iz Pavlovega Pisma Rimljanom, »in vsak jezik bo slavil Boga« (Rim 14,11), ter 4) topos o velikem obsegu slovanskega/ slovenskega jezika z zametki nacionalnega mita.
As a philosophical approach to public moral discourse in a religiously plural society, Jeffrey Stout’s “modest pragmatism” has received a mixed response from the opposite sides of the secularism debate. While many political theologians and communitarians claim that Stout concedes too much to the secularists, some secularists find Stout’s inclusive approach towards religious reasonings in public discourse all too “theological.” This essay offers a re-examination and a further analysis of modest pragmatism in the light of recent work in epistemology of democracy (especially Anderson’s interpretation of Dewey’s inclusive and experimental democracy), and discourse ethics based on Jose Medina’s theory of hermeneutical (in)justice. I argue that Stout’s normative vision of public moral discourse is persuasive only if certain principles which Stout either affirms or presupposes – a strong principle of religious freedom, a democratic principle of inclusion and a principle to settle disputes discursively and non-violently – are placed in its centre and developed further than they have been in Stout’s own work. This also means that I apply the aforementioned theories – Medina’s theory of hermeneutical (in)justice in particular – to the question which they do not address, namely: how can and should different religious languages be included in public moral deliberation? The result is a new and stronger variant of the modest pragmatist vision of public moral discourse, and a renewed argument for a qualified secularity of such discourse.
The paper presents representations and conceptions of Reformation and Protestantism from the late 18th century to the early 1860s. Protestantism in the Habsburg Monarchy underwent a new development mainly after the Patent of Toleration by emperor Joseph II in 1781, when the Slovene Protestant parishes in Prekmurje and the only Slovene Crypto-Protestant community in Zagoriče in Carinthia reappeared. A new turning point came in 1848, when the concept of equality in the Austrian Empire encompassed languages as well as religions. The Slovene area at that time was characterized by a tolerant relationship between Catholics and Protestants in the cultural and national spheres. Slomšek’s view on the cultural significance of Slovene Protestants, as well as at the time still present German linguistic tolerance, enabled peaceful coexistence. The paper introduces in more detail the book about Primož Trubar by Wilhelm Sillem, which was published in 1861 and has heretofore not been noticed and considered in the historiography and biographies of Primož Trubar (with the exception of Jože Rajhman).
Sledeči prispevek govori o muzeju v Fresachu [Brezah], 1 kjer se je ob izteku Koroške deželne razstave leta 2011 porodila ideja o »tolerančnih pogovorih«.Da je Fresach »kraj tolerance«, priča že tamkajšnja tipična »tolerančna molilnica« iz časa cesarja Jožefa II., ki je s svojim tolerančnim patentom leta 1781 takratnim skritim protestantom odprl vrata v svobodo
Public monuments in many ways reflect the collective memory of a society and determine its attitude towards the past. With their artistic shape and message, they significantly co-shape contemporary public space. The region of Velike Lašče and its mostly rural surroundings importantly contributed to the development and establishing of the Slovene language through Primož Trubar, Fran Levstik, Josip Stritar and Jože Javoršek. Due to their status this area boasts several remarkable public monuments which span from the second half of the nineteenth century to the present day and commemorate important anniversaries honouring the local literati. The seventieth anniversary of unveiling of the monument to Primož Trubar in his native Rašica offers an opportunity for a systematic review and interpretation of public monuments in the Velike Lašče region and their wider contextualisation in relation to their local environment.
This paper addresses the confessional coexistence of Catholics and Protestants in sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century Ptuj and Maribor. Based on recent studies, the paper demonstrates that in the Lower Styrian Podravje region, as in many parts of Europe, confessional coexistence and tolerance were maintained by kinship, neighbourly, class and economic ties, which also impeded the Counter-Reformation at the local level. A prominent example of the long-lived tolerance in the Podravje region was Anna Totting's Protestant school for girls in the early seventeenth-century Ptuj. Despite the pressure of the princely Counter-Reformation, Anna's interconfessional familial and neighbourly solidarity enabled the school’s survival for almost a decade.
