Recent reports from the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) highlight the alignment of the agency’s interests with Brazil’s atomic energy program, emphasizing its professionalism, transparency, and receptiveness. However, IAEA inspections have not always been free from political tensions in Latin America, incidents reviewed here. If there was a historic transition in international governance and Brazilian sovereignty based on uranium enrichment, when and how did it occur? Documentary analyses allow us to infer that the period 2003-2004 was crucial for guaranteeing Brazil’s industrial property rights and normalizing diplomatic, defense and energy relations with the IAEA and the USA.
This research aims to analyze the relations between the United States and Venezuela (1974-1979), focusing on the influence of political, economic, and strategic factors. The hypothesis is that the relationship was shaped by the convergence and divergence of interests in hemispheric security, oil, and Venezuela’s international projection under Pérez’s doctrine. The methodology employs a tripartite analytical approach that includes historical-critical analysis, the study of treaties and diplomatic agreements, and testimonies from key actors. Theories of political realism and complex interdependence are used. The results highlight moments of cooperation and tension, primarily around Venezuelan oil diplomacy. The conclusion is that these elements shaped the diplomacy and foreign policy of both countries in the context of the Cold War and changes in the international oil market.
The purpose of this script is to underpin three hypotheses regarding the side effects of inflation on purchasing power in three countries: USA, Germany and México. The first hypothesis: the average income of Americans was drained mainly by price increases in energy and housing. The second hypothesis is that inflation in Germany affected not only the minimal wage, but struck the budget of citizens in the lowest level of income. That contributed to the consolidation of the dominance of four main selfservice-stores in the food and beverages market. Furthermore, Germans perceived a significant price increase in energy products. The third hypothesis: although the minimum wage in Mexico tripled during the period, Mexicans experienced a loss of their purchasing power due to price increases in food and beverages as well as housing.
This study compares voting patterns in Brazil’s 2014 and 2018 federal deputy elections with those of 1994 and 1998 (Carvalho, 2003). Electoral data provided by the TSE election data are analysed quantitatively and compared with geographic and HDI data, revealing significant changes. There are more pronounced differences between the recent consecutive elections; the largest municipalities have become more competitive. Although this study cannot predict future electoral outcomes, the use of recent data reveals the political geography of voting and the changed political context. These findings provide a significant contribution to the literature, potentially supporting decision-making in several related areas, including the Brazilian electoral system.
This article examines the impact of digital influencers in Brazil’s 2024 local elections. The central hypothesis is that both the number of followers and the use of paid promotion on social media platforms conferred electoral advantages to a group of influencer-candidates, ultimately contributing to their success at the polls. To test this hypothesis, we first analysed the political, partisan, and ideological profiles of these candidates based on their biographies and digital content in view of their background, considering the contemporary balance of political forces. We then conducted linear regression analyses. The results indicate a positive correlation between the number of social media followers and vote share. Furthermore, we find that paid promotion significantly enhances candidates’ capacity to attract voter support.
Benito Mussolini’s strategy on the international stage had as its initial premise using the Italian diaspora as a geopolitical instrument. In this context, he promoted the creation of the Regina Alvear Colony (1924) in Argentina, the first “artificial” test abroad and a fascist model of planned emigration. Using unpublished documentation from the Italian and Argentine Foreign Ministries, we propose to analyze the motivations and interests linked to the founding of this colony, the reasons for its location in the south of the country, the Italian capitals involved as well as the first initiatives to transform the colony into a fascist enclave.
This article analyzes the social imaginary around the figure of the “Chinese” in Mexico City (CDMX), based on a sociological and ethnographic study with people of Chinese origin or descent who work in Chinatown. Through in-depth interviews and participant observation, we explore the ways in which these groups experience structural discrimination and labor precariousness and how their daily experience shapes their perception of inhabiting this urban space, asking questions such as: What processes have created situations of exclusion of the Chinese in the CDMX? How have they adapted to this situation? The research takes contributions from ethnographic sociology, migration studies and urban anthropology to understand the tensions that lead to a voluntary exclusion reinforced by precarious employment and underemployment.
When in contemporary Mexico terms like “patriots” or “traitors,” more fitting for other eras, are used in a banal, dangerous, and irresponsible manner, it is history that must provide perspective on the dynamic events of the present. With this objective, aiming to distance itself from the dichotomies in which current Mexican society seems to be sinking, this article delves into the complex figure of José Fernando Ramírez, who lived and participated in the turbulent times of Mexico’s nation-building during the 19th century. As a historian, jurist, and politician, Ramírez had a distinguished public career, serving multiple times as a minister and even as a justice of the Supreme Court. However, his political trajectory paralleled a complex ideological journey that took José Fernando Ramírez from radical liberalism to more moderate positions, eventually leading him to collaborate with the Second Mexican Empire. Thus, this article seeks to analyze the particular circumstances of Ramírez, with the primary aim of providing an explanatory answer to the ideological odyssey undertaken by numerous Mexican liberals of his generation, which led them from being considered patriots to being labeled as traitors. Additionally, from a historical perspective and through the analysis of Ramírez’s case, it aims to contribute to a reflection that reduces the exclusionary dichotomous political practices present today, where self-proclaimed immaculate patriots deny this status to former political rivals, classifying them as enemies to be defeated or simply as traitors to the homeland.
The Pacific Alliance was established as a strategy of open regionalism in the region that seeks closer ties with Asia-Pacific and greater interdependence among its members. However, 13 years after the signing of the agreement, the results are more cooperation than integration. The changing Latin American political landscape shows a weakening of this multilateral organization, giving way to regionalism and a soft and pendular leadership. This article mentions its stages, achievements and future possibilities. Its evolution and trajectory have not been homogeneous, but rather present ups and downs and the possibility of new issues. The methodology is qualitative, combining primary and secondary sources, and counterbalances media with academic analysis.
This book provides an overview of the state of research on the state, administration and public policies in Argentina, taking into account what is produced in different institutional spaces (Bourdieu, 2008). Universities, research centers, the different spheres of the state itself and the different civil society organizations that are oriented towards it are taken as axes. This allows for a broad map of the complexity of the issue to be shown. At the same time, the book offers a comparative perspective, since it is part of a much larger collection of twenty volumes to date.
Analyzing 20 in-depth interviews with women who are former or active members of criminal groups, we describe some women’s motivations for joining and remaining in criminal groups and their recruitment process. Main motivations for joining criminal groups are a sense of belonging and recognition, access to financial resources and protection from violence or desire for revenge. Belonging to a criminal group provided the participants with agency and autonomy that they had not previously experienced. We conclude that joining criminal groups can be a way for women to escape gender-based violence and patriarchal norms. However, as structural machismo shapes their experiences within criminal groups, autonomy is an illusion, limited to the backing of male leaders who ultimately exert control over women’s lives.
The government of President Pedro Pablo Kuczynski (2016–2018) was characterized from the outset by a hostile political environment due to a series of disagreements with Parliament amid increasing levels of public disapproval. Eventually, the crisis worsened with the forced resignation of the president, marking the beginning of a new cycle of disputes and hostility. This work analyzes the dynamics of the confrontation between the Executive Branch and Parliament to explain the deterioration of the political system amidst growing rejection from the citizenry towards both institutions. The core argument of the research addresses the concept of political support as a possible explanatory factor.
The contribution that the reader has in his hands revolves around the role of women in drug trafficking through research focused on the Mexican case, which aims to show the variations in the participation of women in drug trafficking, both in terms of quantity and activities over the last 20 years or so. It also attempts to detail some of the trajectories of women who have participated in crimes related to drug trafficking in Mexico.
This article analyzes the publicizing of the femicides of searching mothers from the perspective of sociology of critique. To this end, it tests an actantial model of complaints through a digital ethnography based on public texts, with the purpose of understanding the slow process of configuration of this social problem as a public problem. The work analyzes this type of feminicide, whose execution pattern is related to the field of organized violence, through a strategy focused on the justifications of the actors involved. In this logic, it reconstructs the stories and narratives of the political and social actors involved in the process, describes relationships between experts and victims in the complaint and access to justice, and provides elements for understanding the meaning that social and political actors give to their experiences of this borderline social problem. The article closes with some considerations about the challenges in researching the structural effects of this type of violence in the field of social sciences and multi-localized public action at a national and subnational scale.
This article proposes, through a predominantly ethnographic approach, the analysis of the forms of participation of women in activities linked to the local illegal drug market in the city of Rosario (Argentina). It is interesting to ask what the specific modalities of participation are like in this predominantly masculine universe. In other words, it is worth asking if this form of participation always occurs from a place of subordination or if women also occupy spaces of power, authority and/or leadership. To this end, an empirical universe composed of in-depth interviews and conversational situations held with female inmates in the women’s prison in the city of Rosario in Argentina, carried out during the years 2022 and 2023, is analyzed.
This paper analyzes the design of an interagency public policy between the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Security of the Argentine Republic to address the problem of “illegal” fishing in the South Atlantic. The design and implementation of this policy, through the Federal Security Force, the Argentine Naval Prefecture and the Joint Maritime Command, was the result of the normative framework and the clash of interests between those agencies and not a consequence of a securitization process promoted, mainly, by the United States, as a response to the participation of the People’s Republic of China in different regional issues, among them, fishing in Latin America.
