The COVID-19 pandemic exposes structural vulnerabilities in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), where fragile health systems and socio-economic disparities shaped community experiences of the national response. This mixed-methods study assessed knowledge, attitudes, and perceptions (KAP) of COVID-19 measures in urban Kinshasa and rural Kimpese between September 1–30, 2023. Ninety participants were enrolled, including health professionals and community members, with data collected through questionnaires, in-depth interviews, and focus group discussions. Quantitative analysis revealed significant differences in education and occupation across sites, with rural respondents more often farmers or nurses, and urban respondents predominantly government employees or students Awareness of visible interventions such as mask mandates and lockdowns was high in both settings, but knowledge of social and economic policies was limited, particularly in rural areas. Perceptions of government response diverged: rural participants expressed higher satisfaction with communication and trust in official reports, yet reported poor access to testing, protective equipment, and services. Urban respondents highlight partial access and dissatisfaction with socio-economic support. Qualitative findings underscored reliance on traditional remedies, uneven enforcement of lockdowns, and disruptions in routine care. These results emphasize the need for context-adapted, equitable strategies to strengthen epidemic preparedness and community trust in future health crises.
This report examines the evolution of Spain’s relationship with Europe and the European Union (EU), as well as the rise and impact of populism and Euroscepticism within its political system. Following the democratic transition, European integration became a central pillar of Spain’s modernization and political legitimization, supported by a broad consensus among both elites and public opinion. Since joining the European Economic Community in 1986, support for the EU has remained consistently high, albeit sometimes characterized by limited public engagement. This consensus began to weaken after the 2008 financial crisis, which created opportunities for the emergence of new populist actors. In this context, Podemos on the radical left and Vox on the radical right gained prominence. Both parties incorporate elements of Euroscepticism, though in distinct ways. Podemos advances a form of soft Euroscepticism, criticizing neoliberal EU policies and political elites while maintaining a fundamentally positive view of the European project and advocating institutional reform. In contrast, Vox promotes a more nationalist and confrontational discourse, portraying EU elites as part of a “globalist” agenda and advocating a restructuring of the EU toward greater national sovereignty. Despite the rise of these challengers, mainstream parties—namely the PSOE and the PP—have maintained strong pro-European positions. Although they have adopted partially accommodative strategies in response to political competition, they have not significantly altered their support for European integration. Overall, Spain continues to exhibit a predominantly pro-EU political system and public opinion, where Euroscepticism, while increasingly visible, remains largely moderate in nature.
This country report examines the situation in the field of Euroscepticism and populism in Slovenia between the onset of global financial crisis in 2008 and the end of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2023. Various studies have shown that, since Slovenia’s accession to the European Union, the role of EU-related topics in national political debates in Slovenia has gradually increased. In the initial post-accession period, both hard and soft Eurosceptic positions occasionally emerged; however, these were typically sporadic or isolated from mainstream political discourse. Such attitudes significantly intensified with the onset of the global financial and economic crisis, and later during the migrant crisis, followed by a series of subsequent crises, including the COVID-19 pandemic, the war in Ukraine, and the energy crisis. Polycrisis period in Slovenia has fueled rise of populism and populist actors. In times since the financial crisis, several new political parties were formed shortly before elections; these parties generally lacked a comprehensive political programme and presented various ideas in a style that could be characterised as populist, while migration crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic further contributed to an intensification of populist discourse among certain political actors.
This article explores the intersection of populism and Euroscepticism within the Slovak political landscape, demonstrating how European issues have evolved from a largely depoliticised post-accession consensus to a pivotal domain of domestic political competition. The article focuses on the differing positions of key populist actors such as Smer–SD, the Slovak National Party (SNS), Movement Republika (Hnutie Republika) and the Slovakia Movement (formerly OĽaNO), situating them within wider changes in Slovak party politics. We argue that Euroscepticism in Slovakia is predominantly soft and generally does not translate into demands for EU withdrawal. Nevertheless, Euroscepticism has become increasingly centred on national sovereignty and the portrayal of Brussels as an external actor that constrains Slovak interests. Furthermore, the article demonstrates that Slovak parties do not hold fixed and coherent positions on European integration. Instead, their attitudes towards the EU are adapted strategically in response to changing domestic competition and broader political crises. The growing overlap between populism and Euroscepticism has therefore reshaped party competition, strengthened pro-European counter-mobilisation and established the opposition between ‘Slovak interests’ and ‘Brussels’ as a defining feature of contemporary political discourse.
This is a country report about the nexus between populism and Euroscepticism within the EUPopLink COST Action. The report is based on the case study research design. It focuses on the case of Kosovo. It relies on secondary sources. The study finds out that Kosovo is among the most pro-EU integration country in the Western Balkans. In regard to populism, there are significant populism developments, with the populist party in the government. The ideological position of the populist party is dominated by a type of valence populism. The actual high level of pro-EU integration and low and soft Euroscepticism might be challenged and transformed into a sort of significant one. This is conditioned, among others by two developments. On the one side, the issue of the dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia facilitated by the EU, and on the other side the slow progress of the EU enlargement process in the region.
