This study examines how the Indonesian Generation Z reimagines the role of citizenship in electoral democracy by developing 11 digital civic prototypes for the 2024 election. This study used Schreier's Qualitative Content Analysis method on prototype documents developed by students of the Political Science Study Program at Brawijaya University. The analysis maps three dimensions of Marshallian rights civil, political, and social and the Westheimer-Kahne citizen typology, adding the categories of digital acts and connective action. The results showed a paradigm shift in citizenship from passive voters to participatory citizens through transparent access to candidate information, online channels for public aspirations, and discussion forums for political deliberation. The majority of prototypes emphasize digital-political literacy and the inclusion of young, first-time, and out-of-town voters by utilizing simple language, infographics, and interactive social media campaigns, including elements of gamification and peer mobilization typical of Gen Z. Dimensions of democratic ethics such as anti-abstention education and anti-money politics are quite strong, but social justice orientation and representation of marginalized groups are relatively weak. These findings confirm that the reimagining of citizenship practised by Gen Z in Indonesia focuses on expanding inclusive and ethical electoral access and participation while also revealing the need to strengthen the justice-oriented dimension of citizenship so that civic tech innovation can serve as a more equitable democratic infrastructure. This study provides conceptual and practical implications for educators, policymakers, and election organisers to adopt a collaborative, literacy-based, youth-friendly civic technology approach.
Polri's institutional position following the 1998 political transition remains a contested terrain, particularly in reconciling operational independence with the demands of democratic governance. This study investigates how Polri has navigated that tension, drawing on a mixed-methods design that integrates diagnostic mapping of 130 institutional problems, structured surveys with 167 experts distributed across 50 districts and cities, and comparative analysis of policing frameworks in France and the Netherlands. The findings expose a fundamental contradiction within Act No. 2/2002: while the legislation formally separates Polri from military structures, it simultaneously creates an accountability vacuum, a concern reflected in the 61.7% unfavorable expert assessments. Field data further document three entrenched dysfunctions a militaristic organizational culture, integrity failures concentrated in investigative units, and chronic service deficiencies flagged repeatedly in ombudsman evaluations between 2020 and 2023. Building on these findings, the study advances a transformation framework organized around four mutually reinforcing pillars: humanist policing grounded in rights protection, anti-corruption governance through merit-based systems, technology-enabled service modernization, and community-centered precision policing. Proposed reforms target legislative revision, professional education restructuring, and the development of civilian oversight mechanisms with genuine supervisory authority. The study offers a replicable analytical model for evaluating police reform trajectories in post-authoritarian democratic settings.
Civic education is not limited to contemporary learning through traditional methods. Students are encouraged to actively participate through dialogue, collaboration, contribution, and discussion. Thus, the resulting discussions can stimulate their critical thinking regarding social issues. This study aims to analyse the implementation of augmented reality-based digital citizenship learning to improve the civic communication competence of higher education students. This study uses a qualitative case study approach. The participants in this study were 15 students from communication studies who took civic education courses. In-depth interviews were conducted using semi-structured techniques to collect data. The results of this study indicate that the use of augmented reality in civic education courses can help students identify forms of digital citizenship. Students can practise their civic communication competence through the DC-AR application. In addition, students can use the DC-AR application independently through their smartphones. Thus, the DC-AR application can be an alternative digital citizenship learning technology that can minimise the spread of hoaxes. Students are also encouraged to practise their social and cultural literacy skills through civic communication practices. This study concludes that civic education is not limited to theoretical elements. In higher education, civic education can be integrated with technology and communication science. Students not only understand digital citizenship but are also able to implement it through the DC-AR application by practising communication. The DC-AR application can also instil citizenship communication competencies in students as a strategy to improve the quality of human resources through education.
This study aimed to measure students’ readiness to implement artificial intelligence-based project learning by strengthening local wisdom values in Indonesia. Using a quantitative survey method, the participants in this study were 285 program students from universities in Indonesia, namely Universitas Muhammadiyah Ponorogo, Universitas Muhammadiyah Makassar, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia, and Universitas Negeri Yogyakarta, who were randomly assigned to ensure balanced representation across academic years. The study was an online, objective test on an artificial intelligence-based project aimed at strengthening local wisdom values. Data analysis was used with descriptive quantitative methods. The results of the analysis showed that students’ readiness in artificial intelligence-based project learning for strengthening local wisdom values was at the “good” level of awareness, while other indicators were at the “fair” and “poor” levels, indicating the need for further improvement on artificial intelligence-based project learning for strengthening local wisdom values in Indonesia. These findings underscore the importance of integrating artificial intelligence-based project learning to strengthen local wisdom values. Thus, this study recommended the development of specialised training on artificial intelligence-based project learning to reinforce local wisdom values and to incorporate local wisdom materials into the learning curriculum to equip students with the necessary skills for the development of artificial intelligence.
Although Indonesia is not formally an Islamic state, the idea of establishing one has remained a recurring theme in the country’s political discourse. From the pre-independence period to the reform era, discussions surrounding the Islamic state have persisted and never entirely disappeared. The notion continues to develop, reflecting the aspirations of specific segments of Indonesia's Muslim population. These groups, often referred to as conservative Islamic factions, are characterised by their adherence to textual interpretations of Islamic teachings and their desire to integrate religion and state within a legal and governmental framework. The emergence of conservative Islamic groups in Indonesia was not a spontaneous phenomenon. Instead, their development follows a long historical trajectory traceable to the pre-independence or nationalist movement period, when the country was still under colonial rule. During this era, the embryonic idea of an Islamic state began to take shape within Sarekat Islam (SI), the most prominent Islamic organisation in the archipelago. SI would later serve as a precursor to the rise of other Islamic movements, such as Masyumi and DI/TII, which also pursued the formal integration of religion into state structures. However, the aspirations of these conservative Islamic groups for an independent Indonesia grounded in Islamic principles were ultimately thwarted during the BPUPKI session on June 1, 1945, when Pancasila was adopted as the philosophical foundation of the Indonesian state.
The aim of this study is to investigate how AI-driven service quality (AISQ) influences customer engagement (CE) in the e-commerce industry in Pakistan. This study examines the mediation of digital empathy (DE) and cognitive absorption (CA). It concerns discovering how AI-driven service quality affects customer interactions through emotional and cognitive processes. Through an online survey, data were collected from 321 e-commerce clients in Pakistan. The current study used convenience sampling. A five-point questionnaire was used for data collection. The statistical tool SPSS 22.0 was used for correlation and regression analysis. The conceptual framework was built on the Technology Acceptance Model (TAM) and the Trust-Commitment Theory (TCT) to determine the association among AISQ, DE, CA, and CE. The proposed hypotheses and their mediation effects were tested using Structural Equation Modelling (SEM). The findings of the present study indicate that AISQ has a positive impact on CE. DE and CA play an important role in mediating this relationship. The results of this study show that when customers perceive AI-based services as empathetic and interesting, they are more likely to become engaged with an e-commerce platform. This paper is a contribution to the research on AI and customer behaviour, as it reveals that DE and CA are significant intermediate variables between AISQ and CE. The results are valuable to e-commerce leaders in Pakistan, helping them improve customer engagement and loyalty through emotive, compelling AI solutions.
This article examines how social media is utilised to enhance broader political participation among young people. The study employed a descriptive survey design using a Google Form, complemented by in-depth interviews conducted between September and December 2024. The participants consisted of 356 Generation Z individuals in Pekanbaru City, including first-time student voters and pre-voters. Data were analysed using descriptive techniques based on survey responses, expressed as percentages. The findings reveal three main typologies. First, social media functions as the primary source of political information due to its accessibility, practicality, up-to-date content, comprehensive coverage, and visually engaging format. Second, social media serves as a medium for political communication, where individuals engage by following political accounts, commenting on posts, or passively consuming content that still influences their daily discussions. Third, social media serves as a platform for political expression, as evidenced by reactions such as likes, dislikes, content sharing, and reporting. The study suggests that voter education actors should optimise their social media presence by producing engaging, accessible content aligned with current trends, such as podcasts, short videos, reels, and interactive Q&A formats. Collaboration with educational institutions and youth communities is also essential. Ultimately, these strategies aim to foster meaningful political participation among Generation Z, extending beyond electoral involvement to more active non-electoral engagement.
Freedom and Borders: A Theory of Citizenship for the Age of Globalization, written by Dario Mazzola, challenges traditional notions of citizenship in light of our more interdependent global community. Through a philosophical and historical prism, Mazzola examines the interplay of human rights, freedom, citizenship, and world peace. Citizenship status is usually used to safeguard individual rights in modern citizenship systems, according to this book. This is because these systems are largely founded on the nation-state paradigm. In a world where people are increasingly on the move, migrating across borders, and becoming more connected, this situation poses many problems. Citizenship, as Mazzola points out, is a crucial political institution that establishes individual rights, social recognition, and political participation. This book proposes a more inclusive model of citizenship and discusses the tension between global and national citizenship. This discussion greatly enhances our comprehension of how a more equitable, inclusive, and human rights-oriented political system may be established in this age of globalisation, as well as the prospects for the future of citizenship.
This article seeks to investigate how simulacra are carried out by Malaysia and the efforts of the border community in Jagoi Babang to maintain their identity with a spirit of nationalism towards Indonesia. Using Baudrillard's theory of hyperreality and simulacra, this study explores how the border community filters various simulacra efforts carried out by Malaysia to change the reality of the border community towards Indonesia. This study uses a case study approach involving observation, documentation, and interviews with 15 informants from various backgrounds. The findings show that Malaysia creates simulacra by giving Indonesian communities in the border region free access to Malaysian state facilities. Meanwhile, the border communities make two efforts to maintain their national identity and avoid being influenced by Malaysian simulacra. First, they strengthen nationalism by using the Indonesian language. Second, they defend their culture through cultural activities and training for the younger generation. The research has theoretical and practical implications because the community has the active ability (agency) to reject simulacra, thereby enriching Baudrillard's theory. In practice, strengthening language and culture at the border is a vital form of non-military national resilience that must be integrated into border policy alongside security and economic approaches.
This study addresses a critical gap in the literature on cultivating participatory civic skills in higher education in the digital era. While the importance of such skills is widely acknowledged, little is known about how educators practically conceptualise and assess them. Employing a qualitative phenomenological approach, this research collected data through open-ended questionnaires completed by Civic Education lecturers from diverse higher education institutions across Indonesia. The data were analysed using reflective thematic analysis. The findings show that lecturers demonstrate a robust theoretical understanding of participatory civic skills; this conceptual grasp does not systematically translate into assessment practices that effectively measure participatory learning outcomes. Although pedagogical innovations such as project-based learning and digital platform integration are being adopted to create more authentic learning experiences, their implementation is hindered by structural barriers. These include excessive administrative workloads, inflexible curricula, and inadequate technological infrastructure. Theoretically, this study contributes by highlighting the critical disconnect between pedagogical theory and assessment praxis in civic education. In practice, it underscores that fostering participatory skills necessitates not only classroom-level innovation but also institutional reforms, specifically rationalising workloads, increasing curricular flexibility, and developing authentic assessment models tailored for digital-era civic learning.
Since the political transition of 1998, Indonesia has been widely regarded as a leading case of democratic consolidation in Southeast Asia. However, recent empirical indicators reveal a persistent decline in civil liberties, political pluralism, and institutional accountability. This article examines whether Indonesia is experiencing democratic regression and investigates the emergence of electoral illiberalism as a durable regime trajectory rather than a temporary fluctuation. Methodologically, this study employs qualitative thematic-narrative analysis, triangulating constitutional amendments, electoral laws, Constitutional Court decisions, and executive regulations with international democracy indices, including the Economist Intelligence Unit and Freedom House, from 1998 to 2024. This approach enables a longitudinal assessment of institutional and normative transformations across key democratic dimensions. The findings demonstrate that democratic regression in Indonesia is not marked by the collapse of electoral competition, but by the weakening of horizontal accountability, erosion of the rule of law through systemic corruption, contraction of civic space, and strategic mobilization of majoritarian identity politics. These dynamics reveal how electoral continuity coexists with substantive democratic erosion. This article contributes to debates on democratic backsliding by showing that Indonesia’s trajectory has consolidated into electoral illiberalism, challenging linear models of democratic consolidation and highlighting the limits of electoral democracy.
This study aims to investigate the socio-cultural, economic, and educational aspects of border communities between Indonesia and Malaysia, with a focus on the Malay and Dayak ethnic groups in Paloh (Sambas Regency) and Jagoi Babang (Bengkayang Regency). Persistent disparities in welfare, educational quality, and national integration in Indonesia’s border regions have weakened nationalism and increased socio-economic dependence on Malaysia. On the border, civic education plays a crucial role in strengthening Indonesian nationalism, despite the community’s economic dependence on Malaysia. Through flag ceremonies, character education, and the integration of local wisdom into the curriculum, schools function as the final bastion of nationalism, safeguarding the national identity of the younger generation in the face of economic inequality and transnational influences. Using a qualitative approach that integrates ethnographic and etnopedagogic methods, data were collected through participatory observation, semi-structured interviews, and document analysis. The findings indicate that Indonesian border communities experience a dual identity, marked by both symbolic loyalty to Indonesia and pragmatic attachment to Sarawak, Malaysia. Economic disparities between the two countries, especially in access to infrastructure, education, and labour markets, have heightened social dependency and eroded Indonesia’s national identity. However, the integration of local wisdom and etnopedagogic practices in education in both countries has proven effective in strengthening cultural resilience, social cohesion, and national consciousness among students. Cultural rituals such as Gawai Dayak serve as transnational spaces of solidarity that both connect and differentiate the two nations.
The development of artificial intelligence technology, such as ChatGPT, has had a significant impact on education worldwide, including in Ambon City. However, its use often raises the risk of misuse, especially in cases of plagiarism, task manipulation, or the instant completion of academic assignments. The research method used is a descriptive, non-experimental, quantitative approach, with 120 high school students in Ambon City as respondents. This research aims to analyse the association between digital ethics as a civic virtue and ChatGPT misuse, and to identify the relationship between indicators in both variables. The research instrument consisted of 15 indicators of digital ethics and 15 indicators of ChatGPT misuse. The results showed that the digital ethics instrument had very good reliability (Cronbach's Alpha = 0.867), and ChatGPT misuse behaviour also had very high reliability (Cronbach's Alpha = 0.932). Fourteen of the 15 indicators of digital ethics and all indicators of ChatGPT misuse were declared valid. This research also showed a positive and significant influence between digital ethics and ChatGPT misuse behaviour (r = 0.203, p = 0.027). Although the correlation is weak, a p-value <0.05 indicates that the relationship remains significant. This relationship suggests that students who have knowledge of digital ethics do not always practice ethical behaviour when using ChatGPT. This finding provides new insights into the complexity of students' digital behaviour, suggesting that an understanding of digital ethics does not always guarantee ethical behaviour in the digital realm, necessitating the need for more effective digital citizenship education strategies.
This research aims to explore how global pressures, international standards, and institutional structures affect the development and effectiveness of community politicisation, focusing on the similarities and differences between the two countries. This research uses a qualitative method, analysing secondary data from interviews, digital platforms, and public sources, complemented by textual analysis and social network analysis. These findings highlight the key role of isomorphism in standardising politicisation practices, with Indonesia and Japan both adopting community politicisation models to increase public trust and cooperation. However, significant differences were observed in the execution of these models, especially in the level of community involvement and the historical context of their implementation. While Japan's political system has matured through policies and structures such as "koban" and "chuzaisyo", Indonesia faces challenges related to limited resources and community diversity. The research concludes that the success of community politicisation depends on the effective adaptation of isomorphisms to local needs, emphasising the importance of community participation, human resource development, and periodic evaluations for sustainability and effectiveness. Further research should explore the impact of local adaptation and innovation on community politicisation outcomes.
Women’s participation in public policy-making is a cornerstone of democratic governance, especially in post-conflict contexts such as Timor-Leste. Despite achieving 38% parliamentary representation in 2023 through quota legislation, women’s substantive influence remains constrained by entrenched patriarchal norms, elite gatekeeping, institutional weaknesses, and persistent gender-based violence. This study addresses a critical gap in the literature by shifting the analytical focus from descriptive representation to substantive representation—examining how women shape policy agendas, exercise agency, and contribute to governance outcomes once inside institutions. Employing a systematic literature review (2015–2025) guided by PRISMA 2020, the research synthesises peer-reviewed studies, institutional reports, and policy documents. The analysis is framed through critical actor theory, feminist institutionalism, and intersectionality, highlighting how formal and informal dynamics intersect to shape women’s agency. Findings reveal three dimensions. First, women face structural, institutional, and cultural barriers that limit their influence on policy despite numerical gains. Second, strategies such as leadership training, coalition-building, gender-responsive budgeting, and protective measures against political violence are crucial for translating presence into power. Third, women’s substantive participation contributes directly to democratic consolidation by broadening representation, enhancing accountability, and fostering legitimacy in fragile contexts. Comparative insights from Rwanda and Nepal demonstrate both the promise and limitations of quota-driven reforms, underscoring that institutional design must be complemented by cultural transformation. The study contributes theoretically by integrating multi-layered frameworks into debates on gender and governance; empirically, by situating Timor-Leste within comparative post-conflict scholarship; and practically, by offering policy recommendations aligned with SDG 5 and SDG 16, as well as ASEAN gender frameworks. It concludes that sustainable democratic governance requires moving beyond quotas toward structural reforms and cultural change that secure women’s substantive empowerment.
