The rise of clinical neurology in the nineteenth century is usually narrated through localization, reflex testing, electrodiagnosis, ophthalmoscopy, and neuropathological correlation. This article proposes a complementary perspective: the emergence of neurological history taking as an explicitly taught method. Based on a structured reading of major German, French, and English neurological textbooks and examination manuals from Moritz Heinrich Romberg to Georg Herman Monrad-Krohn, it asks when the patient's history became visible as an independent methodological step rather than as implicit case material, etiological background, or disease-specific diagnostic information. The central finding is a twofold-procedural and epistemological-codification in the German-speaking literature around 1893/1894. Alfred Goldscheider's Diagnostik der Krankheiten des Nervensystems (1893) provided a numbered history-taking scheme that translated scattered etiological categories into an ordered examination procedure. Hermann Oppenheim's Lehrbuch der Nervenkrankheiten (1894) then canonized history taking in the general section of a comprehensive neurological textbook, justifying its importance by arguing that neurologists often have to rely entirely on a patient's subjective reports of abnormal sensations and thoughts, especially in conditions in which objective physical examination methods do not reveal structural lesions. Goldscheider and Oppenheim did not invent medical questioning, but they made neurological history taking visible, teachable, and defensible as clinical evidence.
The inauguration of the Australian Association of Neurologists 75 years ago in October 1950 was a major event in the history of Australasian neurology. Already behind many of the world centers in terms of professional organization and leadership, Australian neurology arrived rather late on the international scene, firmly establishing its professional roots a full half-century after many global counterparts. Yet from the vantage point of today, this lapse in professional formation is hardly noticeable. An important reason for this discrepancy is the determination and vision of the founding generation of Australian neurologists. Two central players in particular-Leonard Bell Cox (1894-1976) and Edward Graeme Robertson (1903-1975), both Melbournian neurologists-are frequently credited with first forming the Association. By reviewing primary sources recording their individual influences and important contributions to the Association, we come to find some of the earliest indicators of its future prosperity and success.
Antonio Austregésilo Rodrigues de Lima (1876-1960), the founding father of Brazilian neurology and a conceptual father of Brazilian neurosurgery, occupied a unique position in the early development of movement disorder research. In 1912, Austregésilo expanded the reflexogenic zone of pyramidal signs beyond the plantar response, broadening the clinical understanding of the Babinski phenomenon. In 1924, he described a case of hemiparesis and hemichorea associated with a caudate nucleus lesion, proposing a regulatory role for the striatum and offering an early anatomoclinical interpretation of striatal motor regulation. In 1928, he proposed a new classification of dystonia, emphasized its possible organic basis, and documented what appears to be the first detailed case of posttraumatic dystonia. In this article, we analyze and revisit his contributions based on original publications between 1912 and 1928. These observations demonstrate that he addressed concepts that would later become central to movement-disorder neurology, including the concept of functional balance within the extrapyramidal system and the role of neurotransmitters in motor control.
This article focuses on the work of the Swiss physician Édouard Claparède (1873-1940), who made significant contributions to basic and clinical neuroscience; comparative and developmental psychology; and, most notably, functional education, which he sought to ground in the principles of the experimental sciences. Claparède championed the value of evidence, rejecting metaphysics and the authority of dogma. Several concepts later introduced in ontogenetic and educational psychology by his pupil Jean Piaget (1896-1980) were inspired by Claparède's earlier writings. Much of this work took place at the Jean-Jacques Rousseau Institute, which was eventually incorporated into the University of Geneva. The ideas of Claparède and Piaget reshaped the relationship between psychology and education, and their theories on cognitive development continue to inform pedagogical innovation and instructional practice.
This study presents the first systematic analysis of neurocranial terminology in Miftah-ı Teşrih (1874), translated from the French Petit Atlas Complet d'Anatomie Descriptive du Corps Humain into Ottoman Turkish by Hristo Stambolski, a prominent anatomy instructor at the Imperial Medical School (Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Şahane). The research evaluates the technical accuracy and alignment of the work with modern standards, reflecting the institution's vision to synchronize medical education with universal scientific norms. A total of 75 unique neurocranial terms were compared with modern Terminologia Anatomica (TA2) standards based on five methodological parameters (P1-P5). Findings reveal a high degree of precise semantic correspondence (P1) of 85.3% (n = 64) between Stambolski's terminology and TA2. Key observations include the use of sophisticated technical terms such as Mîzâbe-i Kehfiyye (Carotid sulcus) and instances of pedagogical simplification, such as Kavs-ı Hâcibî, which encompasses both the Arcus superciliaris and Margo supraorbitalis. Additionally, historical localization shifts in terms such as Eminentia orbitalis (İrtifâ'-ı Hacâcî) were identified. Stambolski's work represents a successful transmission of 19th-century French neuroanatomical tradition into Ottoman medical literature. This high terminological fidelity, integrated with a corporate strategy to unify medical language, positions Miftah-ı Teşrih as a critical bridge between historical anatomical tradition and modern neuroscience terminology.
María Ángeles Ramón y Cajal Junquera (1934-2018) was the daughter of Luis Ramón y Cajal Fañanás (1892-1973), the Nobel Prize winner's seventh and last child. For years, father and daughter had been collecting documents related to Cajal. María Ángeles maintained a friendly relationship with one of the present authors (SGR) by telephone for about three years (mid-2012 to 2015). Unexpectedly, she donated 28 documents that she and her father had collected to SGR (press clippings, interviews, correspondence, lawsuits, etc). She and her father had collected. Herein, we analyze documents relating to Cajal's Legacy that belong to her father, her brother Santiago Ramón y Cajal Junquera, or her. The Cajal Legacy was given by the family to Francisco Tello, in accordance with the will of 1931. However, as they clarified, "in deposit, not donated," giving way to endless claims. A "semipermanent" exhibition of the precious Legacy at the National Museum of Natural Sciences opened in 2020, exhibiting some of its 28,223 pieces. A Royal Decree in 2024 promises to create the Cajal Museum in Madrid. The impressive Cajal classroom, where he taught for 30 years in the historic building of the old Faculty of Medicine, seems a suitable location. Recently, Cajal´s mansion has been transformed into luxury apartments. María Ángeles, who died in 2018, will be unable to see the objects that surrounded her childhood, now thrown out onto the street and sold at a street market.
This article examines the neurologic signs historically linked to tabes dorsalis and assesses their relevance in today's neurosyphilis diagnostics. Using PubMed/MEDLINE and major digitized archives, a structured historical review was conducted with searches in English, French, and German, combining terms related to syphilis and neurologic signs. Ten eponymous signs were identified between 1846 and 1905: Romberg, Remak, Westphal, Seeligmüller, Biernacki, Patrick, Sárbó, Bechterew (Bekhterev), Pitres, and Abadie. These signs point to a characteristic pattern of sensory impairment-patchy loss of pain perception with absent deep-tendon reflexes-reflecting involvement of the dorsal roots, posterior columns, and peripheral sensory fibers. Although now uncommon, findings such as Westphal's absent patellar reflex or Abadie's Achilles hypoalgesia may still appear in advanced, untreated neurosyphilis. They once guided clinicians in recognizing tabes dorsalis before Treponema pallidum was identified, and they remain useful when access to laboratory testing is limited or when patients present late with established deficits. In an era of rising syphilis rates, awareness of these classical signs can encourage timely serologic and, when appropriate, cerebrospinal fluid evaluation.
Systematic efforts to localize brain functions began in the nineteenth century through comparative neurological studies and clinicopathological correlations. By the early-twentieth century, investigations into the microstructure of cortical tissue enabled further subdivision of the cortex into distinct regions, laying the foundation for correlating anatomical structure with function. Advances in neurophysiology-such as the discovery of reflexes, synaptic transmission, and the development of electroencephalography-revealed that neurons operate in organized circuits rather than independently. However, the link between brain structure and consciousness remained elusive. Between 1950 and 1956, C. Judson Herrick, a comparative neuroanatomist, and George Bishop, a neurophysiologist, explored this question through correspondence. Herrick analyzed how increasing structural complexity between species corresponded with more complex behavior. Bishop, known for his work with Joseph Erlanger and Herbert Gasser on nerve action potentials, advanced the understanding of nerve fiber function. Together, Herrick and Bishop explored the role of older, more primitive brain structures in facilitating higher functions and emphasized the interconnectedness and integration of brain regions. Although their exchange did not resolve how brain structure results in complex behaviors, their dialogue highlighted the importance of evolutionary and comparative perspectives in understanding brain function.
The Neurological Society of London, later the Neurological Society of the United Kingdom, was the first society dedicated to the discipline of neurology to be founded in the United Kingdom. During its period of existence, 1885/1886 to 1907, membership was exclusively male. However, examination of the Society's extant records shows that four women scientists and doctors had interactions with the society: Laura Forster, Rachel Alcock, Mary Darby Sturge, and Helen Stewart. These interactions, examined here, show evidence of the obstructions professional women faced when attempting to enter the male enclave of medical societies, despite the notional inclusivity of the Society's rules and enlightened attitudes evinced by some Society members.
The Aztecs, later called the Mexicas, inhabited what is now central Mexico during the thirteenth through the fifteenth centuries and were one of the most powerful and widespread cultures in Mesoamerica. They were characterized by highly developed urbanism, architecture, education, sculpture, painting, pottery, jewelry, farming, medicine, sports, astronomy, war techniques, and other activities. Their physicians, called Ticitl, knew and treated several neurological diseases, including head trauma, epilepsy, vascular diseases, headache, dementia, depression, and addictions. This review describes Mexica knowledge of neurology and associated therapeutics. A literature review on the topic was performed in scholarly databases: I found 35 articles in PubMed, Google Scholar, and other databases. Based on these publications as well as historical documents, I describe how the Mexicas integrated their understanding and use of medicinal herbs as well as religious ceremonies for several neurological diseases. The Aztecs/Mexicas recognized several neurological diseases and developed herbal and religious treatments for them.
The Polish Institute for Brain Research was established in Warsaw (Poland) in 1928 by Maksymilian Rose (1883-1937) and later moved to Vilnius (in Lithuania today). Among the most intriguing aspects of the cytoarchitectonic studies performed there were the postmortem evaluations of the cerebra of famous individuals and geniuses (referred to as "elite brains"). Rose's most famous study was the examination of the brain of Józef Piłsudski (1867-1935). Marshal Piłsudski, once a medical student, later became the initiator of the restoration of Vilnius University and its medical faculty and, as minister of military affairs, was the de facto leader of the Second Polish Republic. This article analyzes Rose's anatomical study Mózg Józefa Piłsudskiego (Józef Piłsudski's Brain), published in 1938 in Vilnius, along with the original photographs of the deceased marshal's brain and other primary and secondary sources, to investigate the phenomenon of macroscopic analysis of the brains of famous individuals as a major neuroscience field in the first half of the twentieth century. We also reconstruct the preparation, preservation, and macroscopic analysis of Piłsudski's brain, and report its normal and putative pathological findings in comparison with available data on the marshal's health and illness.
The concept of anamnesis occupies a pivotal position at the intersection of ancient philosophy and modern neuroscience. Initially developed in Plato's Meno as the soul's recollection of innate knowledge, anamnesis later evolved into a cornerstone of medical practice-the patient history. This article explores how the Platonic model of recollection resonates with the conversational structure of clinical interviews, both relying on guided questioning to uncover latent knowledge. Framing this exploration within the evolving landscape of neuroscience, the discussion draws on developments in cognitive science that locate memory functions within the medial temporal lobes and prefrontal cortex. By integrating insights from narrative medicine, medical education, and the philosophy of mind, the article emphasizes the enduring relevance of anamnesis as a conceptual bridge between memory, meaning, and healing. Clinicians are encouraged to see the medical interview not only as a diagnostic tool but as a dialogical event shaped by narrative and interpretation. Likewise, scholars of the history of ideas may find in clinical practice a living context for ancient epistemological concerns. Revisiting anamnesis through this lens reveals that healing entails not only physical treatment but also attentive listening and the shared rediscovery of meaning.
This article examines the nineteenth-century Portuguese medical-philosophical debate on consciousness and free will, at a time when advances in the biological and physiological sciences were undermining the notion of the soul as a regulating principle. The works of physicians Miguel Bombarda, Júlio de Matos, and Bettencourt Raposo are analyzed, showing how determinism, materialism, and positivism shaped conceptions of the relationship between brain, consciousness, and freedom. Bombarda defended a materialist conception of consciousness, arguing that free will is nothing more than the manifestation of neuronal activity that produces the feeling of freedom. Matos embraced determinism and rejected absolute freedom, yet intermittently allowed for behavioral modulation through education and effort, generating a partially compatibilist but unstable position. Raposo, for his part, advanced a naturalistic view of consciousness in which the brain itself constitutes will and desire, leaving no room for genuine freedom. In sum, this article examines the medical contribution to the nineteenth-century debate on consciousness and free will, a debate that unfolded in a distinctly naturalistic and deterministic framework.
Disagreement as to whether the auditory cortical center was located in the superior temporo-sphenoidal lobe-as proposed by David Ferrier in 1875, but apparently negated by the later experiments of Edward Schäfer-came to a head following an experimental demonstration given by Schäfer at a meeting of the Neurological Society of London in March 1887. Previous attempts to document the Ferrier-Schäfer dispute have been based on contemporary published sources, which are limited. Here we present documents not hitherto identified and/or transcribed to our knowledge that shed further light on the debate between Schäfer and Ferrier on the cortical localization of the auditory center. They permit a more detailed historical reconstruction of events that provides no definitive behavioral-pathological evidence to support Schäfer's claim to have disproved Ferrier's original localization.
