El presente artículo analiza las llamadas “terapias de conversión” como actos que cumplen con los elementos estructurales y jurídicos de la tortura, conforme a estándares internacionales. Estas prácticas, que buscan modificar o suprimir la orientación sexual o identidad de género de las personas LGBTIQ+, no solo implican un sufrimiento físico o psíquico deliberado, sino que además responden a fines discriminatorios como la corrección, el castigo o la erradicación de la disidencia. El texto expone cómo estas intervenciones se insertan en contextos donde el Estado, por acción, omisión o aquiescencia, permite su existencia, y cómo su carácter sistemático y simbólico convierte el dolor en un instrumento de control. Se revisan diversos métodos empleados —desde electrochoques hasta estrategias de reeducación espiritual, aislamiento, medicalización forzada y violencia sexual— que vulneran la integridad física y psíquica de las víctimas, especialmente en infancias y juventudes. El artículo propone que el análisis del fin específico —más allá de la intención dolosa— permite articular jurídicamente estos elementos, reforzando su reconocimiento como tortura y no como una mera forma de trato degradante. Además, se argumenta que estas prácticas deben ser comprendidas como dispositivos estructurales de violencia que operan bajo lógicas culturales y sociales de subordinación. Finalmente, se propone una ruta de acreditación jurídica y forense, basada en la identificación del propósito teleológico y la implicación directa o indirecta del Estado.
Introduction: Forensic Medical Evaluations (FMEs), which provide objective documentation of physical and psychological consequences of past abuse, can be pivotal in immigration proceedings, offering critical evidence of persecution endured by asylum seekers, which may corroborate their claims. Yet their applicability in humanitarian parole and Title 42 exemption cases remains underexplored. Aim: To characterise the role of Istanbul Protocol–informed FMEs in support of humanitarian parole and Title 42 exemption requests in the United States, and to describe associated clinical, psychosocial, and procedural features. Methods: This qualitative study examined 21 cross-border FMEs and medical vulnerability letters submitted from 2021 to 2024 by an academic medical centre-based asylum clinic in Baltimore, Maryland, in support of applications for humanitarian parole or Title 42 exemption. Results: Remote evaluations were utilised in 85.7% of cases. The largest demographic seeking protection (42.9%) was women from Honduras, Mexico, and Guatemala residing in Ciudad Juárez, Mexico, at the U.S.-Mexico border. Our analysis revealed a significant prevalence of a history of physical or sexual assault spanning from the country of origin to transit. Threats of death or harm, robbery, and racial discrimination were also noted across various stages of the migration journey. Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) was the most common psychiatric diagnosis at 88.9%, followed by major depressive disorder (MDD) and generalised anxiety disorder (GAD) at 66.7% and 22.2%, respectively. Many cases (63.6%) cited inadequate mental health services in their country of origin or transit, with 57.1% of these also highlighting the unavailability of necessary medical treatment. A diverse array of medical reasons for humanitarian protection was identified, including developmental, cardiovascular, pulmonary, renal, infectious, and psychiatric diseases. All cases with known outcomes received humanitarian protection. Conclusion: Our findings demonstrate proof of concept for the utility of remote medico-legal evaluations for cases seeking humanitarian parole into the U.S. in addition to providing a window into the diversity of such claims.
Introduction: Between 2022 and 2023, Freedom from Torture (FfT) produced remote medico-legal reports for 19 asylum seekers unlawfully detained on Diego Garcia (DG), an island in the Chagos Archipelago. To ascertain clinical challenges and the effectiveness of remote assessment of evidence of torture for individuals held in quasi-detention on DG, as compared to non-detained UK-based individuals. In early 2020, FfT audited telephone assessments of individuals in the UK to assess the extent to which they can safely evaluate evidence of torture. Results were published in the Torture Journal (Cohen et al., 2021). Methods: Between 2020 and 2021, we conducted a further audit of appointments with individuals in the UK by (i) video assessment only, (ii) a combination of video and face-to-face assessments, and (iii) face-to-face assessment only. We collected structured feedback from doctors following video assessments with individuals on DG. We compared this with the feedback from previous audits. Results: Doctors carrying out DG video assessments felt less able to make a full assessment of the impact of torture or to complete a full psychological assessment, compared with assessments of UK-based individuals. They were less able to obtain as full an account and establish rapport. Substantially more challenges and safeguarding concerns were reported. Conclusion: Remote medico-legal assessments of asylum-seekers held in detention-like circumstances are less likely to be able to fully document and evaluate evidence of torture than remote assessments of asylum-seekers not in conditions of detention. Our study had several limitations; however, we set out principles we believe may be of use to others conducting remote assessments.
Introduction: Positional torture - commonly involving forced immobilisation in extreme or contorted postures - is known to produce musculoskeletal and neurological harm while often leaving minimal visible evidence. Although chronic pain and functional impairments are well documented, overt structural deformities of the shoulder region in the absence of neurological symptoms are exceptionally rare. Case presentation: We describe a 23-year-old male survivor of torture who developed bilateral acromioclavicular deformities following prolonged immobilisation with his arms bound in forced hyperextension for 10–12 hours per day over a 15-day period. Two years after the events, physical examination revealed symmetrical swelling over the acromioclavicular joints, preserved range of motion, full muscle strength, and intact sensory function. Magnetic resonance imaging demonstrated marked thickening of the fibrous subcutaneous tissues without involvement of deeper musculoskeletal structures or the brachial plexus. Discussion: This presentation differs from the shoulder sequelae most frequently reported in torture survivors - such as impingement syndrome, tendinopathy, and adhesive capsulitis - which typically manifest with pain rather than visible deformity. Current anatomical studies of suspension-related torture mechanisms suggest that sustained hyperextension may precipitate soft-tissue remodelling and fibrofatty proliferation in the absence of persistent neuropathy, which is consistent with our findings. This case broadens the recognised spectrum of physical outcomes associated with positional torture by demonstrating that visible, bilateral shoulder deformities can occur without neurological deficit or pain. The findings highlight the critical importance of meticulous inspection and targeted palpation in the medico-legal examination of torture survivors, even when symptoms appear minimal or absent.
The purpose of this guide is to point out a new addition to the treasure trove of useful information available to the public on the website of the American Academy of Ophthalmology: a protest safety guide on eye protection for tear gas and other hazards.
Introduction: In Chile, the social uprising that occurred from October 2019 to March 2020 was massive and nationwide. It began with vandalism in Santiago’s subway and spread to fires and looting in various cities. Simultaneously, large-scale peaceful demonstrations took place, driven by widely shared social demands. The political repression of these protests caused deaths and serious injuries, including more than 400 victims with some eye damage and an unknown number of victims with shotgun pellet wounds. The protests ended when gatherings were banned due to the pandemic. This article examines the Chilean State’s performance regarding its responsibility to protect harmed citizens from institutional violence following the 2019 social uprising (2019-2025), focusing on the practices and measures of the state’s response, particularly rights recognition, assistance, and victims’ reparation. Methods: This study takes an evaluative, document-based approach. It is supported by official documents issued by the Chilean State and international organisations to analyse the Chilean State’s performance regarding the rights of victims of institutional violence and human rights violations. It examines the government’s pledge to implement policies of recognition and reparation for victims and their families, including a mechanism to monitor reparation measures before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR). Discussion: Despite the 2022 government agreement with the IACHR, which established a framework for a reparations policy and follow-up for victims in accordance with the highest human rights standards, the promised comprehensive reparations policy was not implemented under Boric’s rule. The findings indicate that the measures and policies depend on how harm to citizens is defined and recorded, thereby shaping the scope of recognition and constraining proposals for comprehensive reparation and rehabilitation policies. Additionally, the response is characterised by a fragmented approach among State institutions and by the arrival of a new President of the Republic, which has led to new policies and different ideological perspectives. Methods: The analysis draws on institutional documentation and national and international reports. It examines the government’s pledge to implement policies of recognition and reparation for victims and their families, including a mechanism to monitor reparation measures before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR). Discussion: The article analyzes the state measures for victims of the social unrest. Despite the 2022 government agreement with the IACHR, which established a framework for a reparations policy and follow-up for victims in accordance with the highest human rights standards, the promised comprehensive reparations policy was not implemented under Boric’s rule.
Introduction: This editorial revisits Internet and Communications Ill-Treatment and Torture in light of generative AI, biometric surveillance, spyware, automated inference, neurotechnology, and platform-based coercion. It asks how new technologies reshape the boundaries between coercion, cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment, and torture. Methodology: The paper uses conceptual analysis, typology-building, and normative human rights interpretation, informed by a purposive interdisciplinary review. Results: The editorial proposes a three-layer framework organised around the human need under attack, the method through which harm is produced, and the site where coercion occurs. It identifies three overlapping domains: mental-directed interventions, social control, and social influence. Across scenarios including technologically assisted interrogation, protest policing, e-carceration, border governance, armed conflict, and digital authoritarianism, the analysis shows that technologically mediated coercion may produce severe suffering without direct physical contact. Harms may arise through surveillance, exposure, radical uncertainty, reputational destruction, isolation, automated exclusion, manipulation of perception, and induced vulnerability. The paper argues that severity should be assessed cumulatively and contextually, including impacts on agency, identity, relational life, collective belonging, and conditions of existence. It also highlights the difficulty of attribution when states, companies, platforms, vendors, data brokers, and automated systems jointly produce coercive environments. Existing human rights frameworks remain relevant but require doctrinal refinement, stronger accountability tools, and better methods for documenting diffuse, opaque, and collective harms. Conclusion: Torture and ill-treatment do not end where screens begin; technological mediation requires updated legal, clinical, and evidentiary frameworks.
Background:Access to reliable information about conditions in autocratic prison systems is limited, yet independent reports indicate pervasive mistreatment in Iranian prisons. Historical precedents and recent testimonies suggest that medical knowledge and pharmacological agents may be misused as instruments of coercion and torture. Objective:To summarize and contextualize reported cases of medically mediated torture, forced medication, denial of medical care, and other human-rights violations in Iranian detention facilities, drawing on reputable online media sources and direct accounts from individuals inside Iran. Methods:This manuscript synthesizes information from international media, human-rights organizations, leaked prison surveillance footage, and personal testimonies communicated to the authors. Only reports referencing identifiable medical involvement or pharmacological abuse were included. References in parentheses correspond to source material cited in the full text. Results:Reports from multiple Iranian provinces describe forced or covert administration of psychoactive substances, including benzodiazepines and neuroleptics, leading to confusion, disorientation, nonsensical speech, and loss of consciousness. Numerous cases detail suspicious deaths shortly after release from custody, often involving individuals with no prior psychiatric history. Leaked surveillance footage has visually confirmed physical torture in detention centers. Additional documentation identifies deaths caused by deliberate denial of medical care, including cases of political prisoners and individuals convicted of financial offenses. Testimonies also describe toxic exposures, medically unexplained injuries, forced dental injections, and extreme psychological trauma. Conclusions:The available evidence suggests systematic misuse of medical knowledge and pharmaceutical agents in Iranian prisons, representing a severe violation of international medical-ethical standards. The findings underscore the urgent need for independent medical investigations, enhanced international oversight, and mechanisms to protect detainees from medically facilitated abuse.
To support effective implementation of the United Nations Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (OPCAT) in Australia, Culturally appropriate, human rights compliant police custody monitoring expectations for detained Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander people have been developed. It is anticipated that these Expectations (standards) will have relevance to other jurisdictions with overrepresentation of Indigenous (or other marginalised/racialised groups) in their domestic criminal legal system. The Expectations can be used by both domestic bodies exercising the OPCAT mandate, and other statutory bodies or civil society actors working to strengthen protections against torture and ill-treatment of people detained in police custody. The Expectations reflect the UN Subcommittee on Prevention of Torture (SPT) position on what constitutes a ‘place of deprivation of liberty’, as articulated in its first ever General Comment. Thus, they account for stops and searches, containment at public assemblies, arrest/apprehension/detention, transport/transfer, and detention at police stations. They also reflect the well-established approach under OPCAT of not only monitoring conditions and treatment in detention, but also interrogating potential root-causes of torture and ill-treatment.
Introduction: The formulation of the legal definition of torture has sparked an ongoing debate concerning the relative weight of its three constitutive elements: the infliction of either physical or mental pain or suffering, its intentional character, and its specific purpose. Whilst some interpretations privilege intentionality as the central defining characteristic, others stipulate purpose as the decisive criterion for identifying torture. This article assesses whether the so-called “sexual conversion practices” satisfy these elements and examines the role of specific purpose as an interpretive criterion. Methods: The article adopts a doctrinal legal analysis within international human rights law, with particular attention to the jurisprudence of the Inter-American human rights system, complemented by a forensic and contextual interpretive approach. Results: Sexual conversion practices may meet the constitutive elements of torture, particularly in contexts shaped by structural discrimination, where physical or psychological suffering is intentionally inflicted for discriminatory purposes. Discussion: Whereas specific purpose emerges as a central interpretive criterion, its analytical value is limited by its presence in other forms of ill-treatment, requiring renewed engagement with its role in legal interpretation.
Introduction: Reports and testimonies of survivors revealed that law-enforcing agencies of Bangladesh maintained secret torture cells under the recently (5 August 2024) ousted regime by the Monsoon Revolution. Despite the gravity of the matter, no previous systematic attempt to study the practice has been identified. Therefore, we aimed to report on the state-run torture cell named “Aynaghor” (House of Mirrors) in Bangladesh, documenting it as a significant example of human rights violations. Methods: We qualitatively synthesised this data from available secondary sources, including reports from human rights organisations, telecasted news, newspaper reports, and other media sources that featured the testimonies of persons detained and held in the torture cells. From these sources, we extracted the socio-demography of survivors, possible reasons for detention and torture, descriptions of the secret torture cells, and the severity of torture inflicted. Results: Politically motivated “high-value detainees” were typically held and subjected to torture at Aynaghor for varying durations (days to years). The majority of these detainees were identified as male. Some of the detainees have still not been traced, and perhaps have been killed by law enforcement agencies. Enforced disappearances often occurred before individuals were sent to the secret prison. In some cases, people were misidentified, and allegedly, the ‘wrong’ persons were tortured. Discussion: We present a systematic and qualitative description of the secret prison established in Bangladesh based on available secondary sources. However, given the sensitive nature of the subject and the varying quality and extent of the available data, caution must be exercised when generalising these findings.
T he July Revolution (2024) in Bangladesh ousted Sheikh Hasina after her 15 years of torture, political oppression, embezzlement, and human rights violations using the state machinery (United Nations, 2025; European Union Agency for Asylum, 2025; Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances, 2025). After escaping on 05 August 2024, all her misdeeds were exposed to the public, which she did to stay in power. The people of Bangladesh had to endure various forms of torture for speaking out against her misdeeds. It is not only the opposition leaders and activists who were tortured by his forces, but also the family members of the victims have been tortured in various ways. For instance, a law enforcement agency arrested and detained the wife and 11-month-old child in Police custody for 19 hours in the absence of a victim (Rahman, 2015). Pregnant ladies, couples with children, and women with children were detained and interrogated (Daily Ittefaq, 2024; Islam, 2025). Even family members were taken away by law enforcement officers and later denied. Here, we report four incidents of torture on family members in addition to the victim to document how the victim’s family was tortured. T his study utilised a qualitative case analysis method to evaluate events of torture. Data were collected from various secondary sources, including reports from human rights organisations, televised news, newspaper reports, and other media sources. All the cases were selected for in-depth analysis based on the severity and diversity of torture methods reported. We collected data from existing sources; therefore, we did not seek formal ethical approval from an institutional review board.
IntroductionFollowing the events of 7 October 2023, the number of Palestinians detained by Israeli authorities surged dramatically. By December 2024, nearly 10,000 Palestinians were held in Israeli prisons, most without formal charges. Administrative detention, incommunicado detention, and the use of military law for Palestinians contrast sharply with civil protections extended to Israeli settlers. Human rights organisations have documented systematic use of torture and ill-treatment against Palestinian detainees, with growing concerns over psychological and physical impacts. MethodsThis cross-sectional study documented the experiences of 100 Palestinians experiencing detention after 7 October 2023 and later released. Participants were identified from official records and interviewed face-to-face by trained therapists between May and June 2024. A structured questionnaire assessed demographic information, detention conditions, exposure to torture, and psychological outcomes. Validated tools measured depression and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms. Descriptive and inferential statistical analyses were conducted using R and Stata software. ResultsParticipants reported widespread exposure to ill-treatment, with a median of 29 torture methods per person. All experienced deprivation and non-physical abuse; 99% were exposed to sensory or physical abuse, and 32% reported sexual abuse. Severe physical consequences included fractures (26%) and amputations (7%). Psychological distress was substantial: 83% showed moderate to severe depression symptoms, and 63% met criteria for PTSD. Deprivation methods such as not knowing date and time were associated with higher psychological impact scores surpassing physically painful methods such as suspension and electrocution. Multivariable regression indicated that a greater number of torture methods significantly predicted higher depression scores. DiscussionThis study highlights systematic use of torture and ill-treatment against Palestinians detained by Israeli forces post-October 2023. The psychological burden on survivors is profound and likely exacerbated by continuous traumatic stress under occupation. Survivors seemed to experience deprivation methods as more psychologically harmful than other methods. Findings underscore the urgent need for international accountability mechanisms and mental health interventions for survivors of torture in conflict zones.
This article explores the psychopolitical logic of torture within the Palestinian context, focusing on its role as a tool of domination and resistance. Torture in Palestine is not merely an instrument for inflicting individual suffering but is a strategic mechanism employed by the Israeli state to dismantle collective identity, suppress resistance, and erode the dignity of the Palestinian people. Since the onset of the Gaza war on October 7, 2023, the scale and brutality of torture tactics, including physical abuse, psychological manipulation, and sexual violence, have intensified, highlighting the urgent need for documentation and accountability. This article examines recurring patterns in testimonies of Palestinian detainees, focusing on the psychological and symbolic dimensions of state violence. These practices reflect a broader political and ethical crisis, requiring the involvement of mental health professionals in documenting the psychological consequences of torture. Traditional psychiatric frameworks are insufficient in addressing the realities of state-sanctioned violence; thus, a critical human rights-based approach is advocated. This approach emphasises the need for a decolonial, justice-oriented mental health praxis that supports collective resilience and political agency. By documenting torture (i.e. applying the Istanbul Protocol or by other means), this article argues, healthcare professionals can empower survivors to reclaim agency over their narratives and contribute to the pursuit of justice and redress. The article concludes by calling for global solidarity, not only through adherence to international humanitarian law but through active political action to hold perpetrators accountable and protect the human rights of Palestinians.
Introduction: Since 7 October 2023, the number of Palestinians detained by Israeli authorities has increased dramatically. Methods: Semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted between December 2023 and November 2024 with 100 Palestinians who were detained by Israel. A mix of snowball and convenience sampling was adopted. Thematic analysis was based on a qualitative codebook, and findings were complemented by open-source material. Results: Detention conditions were generally poor, including insufficient and poor-quality water and food, and substandard hygiene conditions. Access to healthcare was usually delayed, restricted or absent. All interviewees reported ill-treatment or torture. This included but was not limited to prolonged, tight mechanical restraint with blindfolding, positional torture, forced nudity, sexual violence, and being used as human shields in military operations. Conclusion: We found that the treatment of Palestinians from Gaza in Israeli custody constitutes torture. We found that the treatment of the interviewees fulfils two acts under the Genocide Convention and the Rome Statute, namely, causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of a group, and inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about their physical destruction.
Introduction: This study examines how Israeli domestic legislation, military orders, and judicial practices governing the arrest and detention of Palestinians—intensified after 7 October 2023—operate as a system of discriminatory control across the occupied Palestinian territory and within Israel. It situates recent amendments within international humanitarian and human rights law and the International Court of Justice’s 19 July 2024 advisory conclusions on the unlawfulness of Israel’s continued presence and the breach of Palestinian self-determination. Materials and methods: A qualitative legal analysis was conducted of military orders, Knesset legislation (including the Unlawful Combatants Law), emergency regulations, and court decisions, complemented by official statements, OHCHR materials, and NGO documentation. Where available, lawyer interviews and detainee testimonies informed case studies of Gaza residents, children, and activists. Results: Post-October measures expanded arrest powers, lengthened pre-indictment detention, delayed judicial review, restricted access to counsel, designated new detention facilities (e.g., Sde Teiman), and broadened online “incitement” enforcement. “Iron Swords” orders extended timelines under MO 1651; emergency amendments to the Unlawful Combatants Law enabled prolonged detention without prompt review; and civil criminal laws applied to Gaza detainees increased interrogation periods and bans on meeting counsel. Administrative detention surged—including unprecedented numbers of children—amid limited oversight and secrecy regarding detainee identity, status, and conditions. A dual legal regime persists: Palestinians face military courts under military law, while settlers in the same territory fall under Israeli civil law. Discussion: The cumulative effect is a hardening carceral architecture inconsistent with fair-trial guarantees and protections in IHL and IHRL and engaging relevant crimes under the Rome Statute. Considering the ICJ’s findings and UN practice, the paper calls for ending discriminatory measures, restoring legal safeguards, ensuring transparency, and advancing third-state non-recognition and accountability.
Introduction: The “Aspects of Trauma and Torture” conference, a collaborative effort between the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel and Physicians for Human Rights Israel, aimed to elevate awareness and deepen comprehension of torture and its multifaceted psychological, social, and legal ramifications. Centred around the launch of the Hebrew translation of the updated Istanbul Protocol, the conference addressed the diverse populations in Israel vulnerable to torture, including Israeli citizens, African asylum seekers, and Palestinian detainees. Methods: Utilising a series of interdisciplinary lectures and interactive sessions, participants explored the profound implications of trauma and torture on individuals and communities, with a particular emphasis on the critical role of mental health, medical, and legal professionals in prevention and advocacy. This study investigated how participation in a conference focusing on trauma and torture influences attendees’ levels of awareness and motivation to engage in actions against torture. Forty attendees completed an online questionnaire that incorporated both open-ended and closed questions regarding the conference’s impact. Results: The findings revealed significant increases in attendees’ familiarity with the subject matter, a strengthened sense of professional collegiality, and an enhanced commitment to combating torture. Notable variations were observed between physical and virtual participants, as well as between those with an active role at the conference and passive attendees, and between individuals in psychosocial professions and those in other disciplines. Discussion: The findings highlight the pivotal role of conferences as catalysts for human rights education and advocacy, while also identifying areas for improvement in accessibility and engagement within hybrid formats. These insights contribute to the broader discourse on effective strategies for addressing torture and fostering systemic change. Furthermore, the article proffers recommendations for future conferences.
Introduction: This paper examines Israeli detention practices since 7 October 2023 as a system of colonial carcerality that normalises torture and ill-treatment, benchmarking findings against the Nelson Mandela Rules, the Geneva Conventions, CAT, and the ICCPR. Materials and methods: We analysed 917 testimonies gathered by Addameer (Prisoner Support and Human Rights Association) through lawyers’ prison visits and post-release interviews (7 Oct 2023–30 Jun 2025) from Sde Teiman, Ofer, Damon, Naqab, Megiddo, and other sites. Testimonies were thematically coded (techniques, frequency/severity, setting, health sequelae) and mapped to applicable international and Israeli law; descriptive counts tracked change over time. Results: We present the results according to types of abuse: starvation and deliberate food deprivation, extreme overcrowding, prolonged solitary confinement, sexual violence/forced stripping, systematic medical neglect, pervasive shackling/blindfolding and denial of hygiene. Intensification coincided with the expansion of camp-like facilities and emergency amendments to the Law on the Incarceration of Unlawful Combatants (prolonged incommunicado detention and delayed judicial review). Reported torture/ill-treatment rose across periods: late-2023 73/91 testimonies; 2024: 500/628 (including 343 from Gaza); Jan–Jun 2025: 184/198. Health impacts included acute injuries, infections, malnutrition, and sustained psychological harm. Discussion: Convergent qualitative and legal evidence indicates an integrated policy rather than isolated violations, which contravenes binding norms on humane treatment, medical care, food, water, and protection from torture. We recommend: (1) independent monitoring with unimpeded access; (2) suspension of measures enabling incommunicado detention; (3) immediate compliance with minimum standards of care and nutrition; and (4) criminal accountability for torture and ill-treatment.
For the tenth consecutive year, the Southwest Asia and North Africa (SWANA) region remains the least peaceful region in the world[1] due to extreme geopolitical instability, war, and natural disasters. This ongoing turmoil has caused an exacerbation of mental health challenges (Okasha et al., 2024) which, if left unaddressed, will present the biggest barrier to the reintroduction of stability and the rebuilding of societies. [1] Global Peace Index 2025
