This study compares the Visio Thurkilli, a thirteenth-century English visionary narrative, with the Greek apocryphon Testament ofAbraham, highlighting striking thematic and structural parallels. Although there is no evidence for direct knowledge of the text in the Anglo-Norman world, the paper explores the possibility of mediated transmission through florilegia, collections of exempla, and oral narratives, within the broader framework of intense cultural exchanges between East and West. Particular attention is given to St. Albans Abbey and to the circle of translators working around Robert Grosseteste, Nicholas the Greek, and John of Basingstoke, whose linguistic and cultural mediation may have provided the material for a reworking of the Visio Thurkilli in light of the Greek apocryphal tradition.
The concept of Familie der Konige ('family of kings') has often been used to investigate dynastic relations between early medieval sovereigns. However, a static approach prevails in historiography, which often focuses on marriages and prosopographical data and pays little attention to the diachronic evolution of this phenomenon. The adoption of a perspective based upon social network analysis makes it possible to fully exploit the potentialities inherent in the category of the 'family of kings', while at the same time also taking into consideration diplomacy and military alliances, as well as episodes of cooptation within a royal family that cannot be traced back to a marriage bond, such as the adoptio per arma. This approach enables us to grasp both the exceptional nature of diplomatic exogamy, which acquires a significant periodising value, and the main turning points in early medieval history, which are mirrored by the appearance or disappearance of networks of dynastic relations.
The article examines in the detail the intersection between the eschatological tradition of the Last World Emperor crusading expectations, and the motif of the dry tree between the late medieval and the early modern times. After a short introduction presenting the main traits of the Last World Emperor prophecy (unification and pacification of the world under the banner of a Christian universal ruler carrying quasi-messianic traits) and its wide popularity in several European regions, the paper explores the first known sources, dating back to the time of the Third Crusade, that bear witness of a prophetic and eschatological use of the dry tree motif (as the location in which the final battle marking the triumph of the Last World Emperor would take place) in connection with crusading expectations. Later, the paper explores various iterations of this peculiar connection all along the thirteenth century, with a special focus on the French Liber Sidrac, in which the connection Last World Emperor-crusading endeavor-dry tree is extensively and originally thematised in clear pro-French and pro-papal overtones. Eventually, the paper focuses on the wide diffusion and popularity of this peculiar eschatological tradition in the German area, where the expectations on a reforming and Messiah-like returning German emperor were deeply rooted. In presenting the various developments of this tradition, the paper also illustrates the impact of the Legend of the Wood of the Cross on the conflation between the dry tree motif and eschatological ideas.
This essay considers the so-called "deposition" of Sancho II of Portugal in favour of his brother, the Count of Boulogne and future Afonso III, and the involvement of Pope Innocent IV in the events. It shows how the pontiff had no bias toward either of the factions involved in the dispute (at least not openly). Actually, the papacy adopted a prudent and willingly ambiguous behaviour in a Portuguese context already in turmoil further evidence of the papal Realpolitik often adopted on these occasions.The "struggle for life" and the limited ability to intervene in another kingdom played a fundamental role in Innocent IV's chosen strategy, in which he tried to "play on multiple tables".
The Bischoefliches Dioezesanarchiv of Aachen, Juliacensis 599, preserves a heterogeneous collection of texts centered on the figure of the beguine Christina of Stommeln. Compiled at the initiative of the Dominican friar Peter of Dacia her closest friend and confidant this corpus includes the Vita puellae, a firsthand account of Christina's childhood, which she dictated to the parish priest of Stommeln and later entrusted to Peter. He subsequently incorporated it into the collection, occasionally adding his own commentary. Scholars have debated the Vita puellae's degree of autonomy within the compilation. This study argues for its independence, drawing on a close textual analysis of the other texts within the Codex Juliacensis, primarily the Visitationes and Epistolae. The findings suggest that the interpersonal dynamic between Peter and Christina was instrumental in shaping the Vita puellae and, more broadly, the collection itself. Within the context of their profound intimacy and mutual understanding, the moment Christina entrusted Peter with the quaternus containing her account emerges as the foundational act around which the entire corpus was structured. By reassessing the textual relationships within the collection, this study contributes to a deeper understanding of the Codex Juliacensis's formation and the textual strategies that shaped its transmission.
This article adopts a religious historical perspective to interpret the concepts of imagine and forma in some passages of the Vita nova. The terms used by Dante to refer to the semantic area that encompasses these concepts are suffused with biblical meaning, above all as a result of patristic exegesis, which heavily influenced the medieval religious imaginary.The lexis-based approach of this religious historical analysis is intended to complement rather than contrast readings grounded in the literary, medical, philosophical, and scientific aspects of Dante's terminology. It also provides further support for Christological interpretations of Beatrice by highlighting certain fundamental elements for developing the idea of the Christian anthropology of the Dantesque imaginary.
To date, very few studies have been devoted to the diplomata issued by the bishops of Spoleto during the Middle Ages. This contribution provides a critical edition of the oldest preserved original: the "decretum" of bishop Lupone for the female monastery of San Paolo inter vineas, from the year 1002.A paleographic commentary on the text attempts to shed light on the level of literacy of the various actors involved in drafting the diploma, from the material author, the notary and judge Sinteramus, to the various signatories, all individuals belonging to the city cathedral clergy, known only through this act.
The article examines Henry Bitterfeld of Brzeg's theological contributions to the reform of the Church in the late-fourteenth century, focusing on his works De formatione et reformatione Ordinis Praedicatorum, Collatio sacerdotum, De vita contemplativa et activa, and his writings on the Eucharist. A Dominican friar and theologian, Bitterfeld was a prominent figure in Prague's intellectual and religious circles. He held positions as a professor of Sacred Theology at the University of Prague and collaborated closely with Archbishop Jan ofJengtejn. Bitterfeld played a significant role in discussions on Church renewal, particularly within the Dominican Order, and supported reforms such as frequent Communion for the laity. Central to Bitterfeld's vision of Christian renewal is the ideal of vita mixta, a life that balances contemplation (the knowledge of God) with active service, particularly through teaching and charitable works. According to Bitterfeld, spiritual perfection in this model is achieved through the religious vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience, with communal poverty occupying a central role. His reform efforts, particularly within the Dominican Order, emphasize the deepening of contemplative life for both clergy and laity. Rather than critiquing clergy abuses, Bitterfeld advocates for personal spiritual transformation that fosters genuine pastoral zeal. While he calls for the laity's frequent Communion, his broader reform agenda focuses on individual conversion rather than systemic ecclesiastical changes. Bitterfeld's thought integrates traditional hierarchical ecclesiology with emerging intellectual currents from late-fourteenth-century Prague, offering a holistic vision of Church renewal rooted in contemplative life and Christian love.
Little work has been done towards a commentated edition of the Quadriregio by Federico Frezzi O. P., a long Umbrian poem of the late fourteenth century loosely modelled on Dante's Commedia. Thus a host of allusions occurring in the text remain unexplained.This article about "characters" provides explanations of a number of them, focusing particularly on a selection of six human figures, real or fictitious, who, if not characters in the narrow sense of actors in the narrated story, are mentioned, often only fleetingly and anonymously, by actual characters or as the unreal term of a simile. The investigation reveals that typically the mysterious figures have their roots in the vast ocean of medieval literature, particularly that of the Dominican Order.
The Dictamina rhetorica one of Guido Faba's most important and successful works, preserved in approximately ninety manuscripts are a collection of 220 model letters composed by the dictator between 1227 and 1229.Although the primary purpose of the collection was the scholastic teaching of the ars dictaminis, it was probably used as a formulary for epistolary and documentary writing as well.This article highlights how certain models from the Dictamina rhetorica served as an actual source for letters and documents issued by chanceries at least until the late fifteenth century, and also sheds light on how the collection was used in private contexts.
Book borrowing in the Middle Ages is a relatively understudied topic. This article examines its scale and the rules that governed it. The starting point is the case of Alberic of Trois-Fontaines, a chronicler who utilized more than 30o texts and identified some of the locations from which he acquired manuscripts. In many instances, it is possible to trace potential sources for the texts he accessed. By comparing Alberic's network with existing knowledge about book borrowing, it becomes possible to gain deeper insights into the processes involved in borrowing texts. The analysis of the book borrowing (both rules governing it and the examples of it taking place) draws on a wide range of sources, including letters and monastic rules. Although the research primarily focuses on French examples, it is not restricted to them.
The sermon for the Ascension Glorificatio Domini nostri - sarcina peccatorum (263, I-2: P.L. 38, coll. 1209-1211,1. 4) has been long considered an Augustinian cento formed by s. Guelf. 21 (deprived of the final part) and fragments of s. Mai 98. In a recent study, indeed, Francois Dolbeau identified it as a versio brevior of a lost sermon which was fundamentally the extended version of the same, above mentioned sermons. Dolbeau's thesis arises from the study of two 12th cent. homiliaries from the Anglo-Saxon area, ms. Vat. lat. 4951 and ms.Worchester, Cathedral Library, F 93. They transmit the two sermons one after the other, in the same order as indicated above, but divided by the rubric Eiusdem unde supra, which unequivocally certifies that they were intended as two different texts. Since the manuscripts do not transmit an undivided redaction, the scholar supports his reconstruction suggesting that the bipartition of the original sermon would be a consequence of a liturgical use of the text, with its subdivision into lectiones. In this article Dolbeau's reconstruction is refuted by analyzing numerous manuscripts containing the cento, including ancient homiletic collections, linked to the pastoral activity of Caesarius of Arles, as well as the most significant testimonies of the early Roman liturgical tradition. The survey has led to the discovery of two new manuscripts which contain only s. Guelf. 21, in its extended version: ms. Benevento, Biblioteca Capitolare 20 (12th century) and the much older ms. Wolfenbiittel, Herzog August Bibliothek, 99 Weiss. (4883), dated to the 8th century. An edition of the cento is also offered, together with short introductory notes.
This essay examines a cento sermon (VVS) preserved in manuscript Clm 6340, ff. 86v-88v, alongside a series of anonymous sermons attributed to Ratherius of Verona by Francois Dolbeau. The analysis demonstrates that VVS is a cento composed of passages from Taio of Zaragoza's Liber sententiarum. Comparison with J. Aguilar Miquel's 2023 critical edition reveals that, while the antigraph of our centonist bears significant similarities to the Franco-German manuscript family Theta, it does not match any known witnesses. This finding suggests the existence of a now-lost manuscript of Taio's Liber sententiarum, likely serving as the source for both the cento examined in this study and those for which Dolbeau has established Ratherian authorship, produced in Verona, where Clm 634o was compiled. Furthermore, the analysis of the content of the cento sermon, concerning the doctrine of angels and their hierarchies, highlights a strong affinity with Ratherian thought.
In the Laws of the Lombards, unfree and half-free are among the most represented social categories. Their obligations towards their lords are always carefully detailed; precise limits are placed on their geographical mobility and strict rules are established to punish runaway servants; the conditions of their possible marriages are minutely prescribed and, with notable differences between the Edict of Rotari to the laws of King Liutprand, the forms and rituals of their manumission are determined with equal clarity. What remains shrouded in shadow is their capacity for legal action, which instead, to some extent, leaks out from contemporary (and especially later) archival documentation.The essay offers some quick reflections on such evidence, showing its peculiarities and differences from the documentary traces left by the socio-economic initiatives of fully free individuals.
Only recently Italo-Greek monasticism in southern Italy has been framed within the great migration phenomenon that affected southern Italy after the Arab conquest of Sicily. The paper intends to explore the social and institutional consequences of the migration of the Byzantine population and the monks into the Lombard dominions, questioning the role played by both these agents in the definition of settlement structures in the destination lands.
The long-standing endeavour in intellectual history to outline and classify the various forms by which the defects and vices of mortals manifest themselves has given rise, among other things, to the sevenfold series of capital vices known by the Italian acronym SALIGIA, i.e. superbia, avarizia, lussuria, invidia, gola, ira, accidia (in English PALEGWS: pride, avarice, lust, envy, gluttony, wrath, sloth.) This essay offers data taken from surveys of Medieval Latin lexicography, where the derivatio nominis evokes the nature and characteristic traits of each of these vices. Pride is defined as fundamental to all sins, since they express, in fact, contempt for divine will.The miser is ultimately not even capable of enjoying what he possesses because he ends up enslaved to his lust for the possessions of others. The discussion on lust proves extensive and articulated because, among the list of vices, it is the one that plus omnibus saevit. Envy is tragic to the point that, even when it devastates works that are good in themselves, it deprives them of all value in the sight of God. Those who fall prey to the vice of gluttony run the risk of succumbing to the disorders of lust. Interesting the distinction between ira per vitium and ira per zelum, both to be controlled by the bonum patientiae. And, above all, sloth is devastating in the monk's life because it makes him unfaithful and unfit or inadequate before the obligations he assumes. Therefore, in considering these significant themes in judging the limitless sphere of faults and vices that lurk in the most mysterious recesses of the human condition, we see that the Medieval Latin lexicographers always place the vis nominis, explored through the pertinent derivatio, at the foundation of their subject. We should note, however, that their discourse often progresses by also addressing special aspects of the themes brought forth and within a very precise paradigm of Christian values. This is especially the case with Giovanni Balbi, the lexicographer-theologian of the Dominican Order, in line with the teachings of Thomas Aquinas, sometimes directly cited.
The article examines the wall painting depicting saint Christopher in the parish church of San Lorenzo in Settimo Vittone. Specifically, the analysis focuses on the inscription accompanying the painting, which not only identifies the saint depicted but also transmits the names of the artist, Guglielmo da Orta, and of the patron, "Iacobus de Setimo Parvo". Through the examination of historical documentation pertaining to Settimo Vittone, the study suggests identifying the patron as "Iacobus Parvus", lord of Settimo, leading the subsequent dating of the wall painting to the second quarter of the 13th century. The cycle of wall paintings, along with inscriptions, executed later by Guglielmo in Oleggio are also considered. The comparative examination sheds light on the artist's stylistic and graphic transformations between the second and the third quarter of the 13th century
The article identifies three,(perhaps four) new manuscripts carrying autograph corrections and/or marginalia by Poggio Bracciolini. They are MSS. BERLIN, Staatsbibliothek, Lat. fol. 510 (Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca historica, Latin translation by Bracciolini himself); PARIS, Bibliotheque nationale de France, Lat. 5689A and CITTA DEL VATICANO, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat. 1802 (both containing Xenophon, Cyropaedia, Latin translation by Bracciolini). New light is shed also on the activity of two scribes who copied more than one manuscript for Poggio.
For twenty years in international medieval studies it is being debated whether the love letter collection, which has come anonymously to us in a manuscript of the fifteenth century (Epistolae duorum amantium, EDA), are authentic letters, possibly written by Abelard and Heloise, or fictional texts.This article can show that in the EDA parodic stiles dominate In the EDA parodic stiles dominate: an intratextual parody (it works through contradictions and incoherences within a love letter), an intertextual parody (it arises from the deliberately introduced discrepancies between quoted pretexts and the text); an extratextual parody (historical people, conventions or events are ridiculed).The parodic use of sample letters of the Ars dictaminis and of many topoi of the medieval Ars amandi aims to mock the protagonists (man and woman) of the letter collection. This finding speaks against the authenticity of these love letters.
