Recent decades have seen great advances in sport fan research. For example, sport scholars have expanded our understanding of such issues as the process through with an individual becomes a fan (PCM), motivational profiles of fans of different sports (Wann, Grieve, Zapalac, & Pease, 2008), and the impact of perceptions of service quality (Theodorakis, Tsigilis, Alexandris, & Karvounis, 2013). One topic that is currently receiving increased attention from researchers involves perceptions of rival teams. For instance, multiple studies have found that perceptions of rivals are often related sport team identification. In 2013, Havard, Gray, Gould, Sharp, and Schaffer developed and validated a scale designed to aid sport rival researchers in assessing perceptions of rival teams and their fans. This scale, termed the Sport Rivalry Fan Perception Scale (SRFPS), contains subscales assessing four components of perceptions of rivals. In a recent investigation, Wann et al. (in press) utilized the SRFPS to investigate the number of rivals fans report having, as well as the impact of rival perceptions on sport fan consumption (e.g., attendance of contests, watching sport on television).
American society has had college athletics at its core for over a century (Rader, 2009) and is ubiquitous in University life. College athletes’ performances both on and off the field have been scrutinized in both popular and academic literature. Other examples include the documentation in student development literature that meaningful engagement outside traditional classroom settings can have positive effects on a student’s (athlete or not) personal development (Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005). College athletes’ individual experiences have received considerable attention in the popular media and literature as the pressures to perform both athletically and academically are vast (Benford, 2007; Meyer, 2005). Previous studies have explored the athletic environment in terms of the emergence of leadership, team dynamics, team cohesion, and the motivational climate (Adie, Duda, & Ntoumanis, 2008; Allen, & Howe, 1998; Balaguer, Duda, & Crespo, 1999; Medic, Mack, Wilson, & Starkes, 2007; Tsang, 2007). Other studies have focused more on individual attributes such as motivation to perform and participate, perceived ability, perceived competence, personal satisfaction, enjoyment, and social status (Amorose, & Horn, 2001; Hollembeak, & Amorose, 2005; Reinboth, & Duda, 2004; Sheldon, & Eccles, 2005; Van-Yperen, & Duda, 1999). The purpose of this study is to examine the effects of gender (men’s vs. women’s sports) on motivation towards academics, athletics, and career choice. Data were gleaned from male and female athletes at one large Midwestern NCAA Division I University using the Perceived Motivational Climate in Sport Questionnaire-2 (PMCSQ-2) and the Student Athlete’s Motivation toward Sports and Academics Questionnaire (SAMSAQ). Data are discussed and analyzed using various statistical methods and using Harter’s (1978) theory of perceived competence and Nicholls (1984) perceived theory of motivational climate to answer the theorized research question and hypotheses.
(ProQuest: Appendix omitted.)IntroductionThe financial picture for most intercollegiate athletic departments involves the use of student fees to help offset the costs of running the department. Students were charged more than $2 billion to support athletics programs at 227 National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) Division I public schools during the 2010-11 school year (Vedder, 2013). As an example of the increase in student fees allocation to athletics, fees collected from Ball State University students increased from $6.9 million in 2005 to $10.9 million in 2013 (Slabaugh, 2014). Successful athletic departments are often cited for their indirect benefits to the university (e.g., increased applications and donations to the university) as justification for using student fees. Because these indirect benefits are usually predicated on success, this study aims to find out if success, as defined by Directors' Cup point totals, can be predicted by student fees allocated to athletics. This information can then be used by presidents and collegiate athletics administrators to help explain why they devote the resources necessary to fund the collegiate athletics enterprise.Literature ReviewBeginning in 1993, the Directors' Cup was awarded to the top overall athletic program in Division I. "A program that honors institutions maintaining a broad-based program, achieving success in many sports, both men's and women's" was started by the National Association of Collegiate Directors of Athletics (NACDA) and USA Today (NACDA, n.d.). The program, which assigns point values to each school's final rankings in each of 20 sports "is the best measurement of overall athletic success" (Lawrence, Li, Regas, & Kander, 2012). There are 20 sports, 10 men's and 10 women's that are used for scoring in Division I. First place earns the school 100 points and based on the type of sport, point values decrease from there based on post season finish (NACDA, n.d.). Generally schools that do well in the Directors' Cup operate with a broad based programs philosophy. This philosophy entails trying to commit all the necessary resources for success to each team in the department. As said by the director of athletics at Williams College (NCAA Division III), a program that has won 16 Directors' Cups, "an institution can't win it or even be competitive without a broad based program" (Steinbach, 2006, p. 46).In order for programs to have this broad based philosophy, most rely on student fees to help bolster their budgets (Gregory, 2013). Student fees arose in the late 1800's as a way for students to voluntarily fund activities not covered by tuition and by the 1940's were used for admission to athletic contests, concerts, class dues, cap and gown fees, and science laboratory fees (Lorence, 2003). In 2008 mandatory student fees at four year universities averaged $1,700 (Denhart, Ridpath, & Vedder, 2011). In Florida, eight public universities received nearly $100 million in student fees for athletics in 2013 up from $76 million in 2009 (Hightower, 2014) and in Illinois, nine public universities receive between 27% and 59% of their total budget from student fees (Hopkins, 2014).These fees are often met with resistance from the student body. In 1969 students at the University of Oregon and in 1986 students at the University of Georgia sued over the use of student fees being used for athletics (Chronicle of Higher Education, 1969; Chronicle of Higher Education, 1986). Also opposing a fee increase, students at Southern Illinois University - Carbondale, in 1997, voiced opposition to using that increase on athletics as opposed to academic areas. The athletics director at the time made it clear that they could not sustain a Division I program without the fee increase (Ethier, 1997). In 2008 students at Fresno State University voted against a $43 per semester fee increase meant to subsidize athletics; the university president overrode the vote, increasing the fee by $25 and in 2009 students at the University of New Orleans voted down a proposed doubling of their fees that would have been used for athletics (Perko, 2009). …
IntroductionYouth sports provide numerous benefits for children and adolescents (Pate, Trost, Levin, & Dowda, 2000). In addition to developing sport skills, youth sport participation can foster leadership, communication skills, moral development, and teamwork (Baron, 2007; Weiss, 2004), and may benefit later health (Perkins, Jacobs, Barber, & Eccles, 2004; Telama, Yang, Hirvensalo, & Raitakari, 2006). Youth sport participation has increased in recent decades (Telama et al., 2006), however more youth are now limiting participation to one sport in order to maximize future successes, and many parents now advocate an early start to their child's sport experience (Carson, Landers, & Tjeerdsma-Blankenship, 2010; Strachan, Cote, & Deakin, 2009). Referred to as sport specialization, this practice involves exclusive and exhaustive commitment to one sport, in which youth train and compete year-round, often with high expectations (Gould & Carson, 2004; Gould, Carson, Fifer, Lauer, & Benham, 2009; Wiersma, 2000).There are wide-ranging concerns regarding single-sport specialization including greater risk for burnout (Gould 2010; Gould, Tuffey, Udry, & Loehr, 1996; Strachan et al., 2009), overuse injuries (Kaleth & Mikesky, 2010), competitive stress (Baker, 2003; Fraser-Thomas & Cote , 2006; Gould 2010), social isolation (Coakley, 2010), reduced motor skill development (Branta, 2010), and dropout (Butcher, Lindner, & Johns, 2002; Fraser-Thomas, Cote, & Deakin, 2005; Wall & Cote, 2007). Thus, a concern is that youth are beginning competitive sport at too young an age and engaging in year-round, intense single-sport programs before it is in their best interest to do so. Consequently, experts (e.g., American Academy of Pediatrics, 2000) discourage single-sport specialization before adolescence, yet it is still common for many youth to do just that (Russell & Limle, 2013).Motivation is a variable that not only influences performance but also positive experiences in youth sport. Self-Determination Theory (SDT; Deci & Ryan, 1985a) notes that sport motivation is multifaceted, with athletes often having multiple participation motives. External factors such as rewards or significant others' approval may motivate athletes; however, they may also be internally motivated by personal interest and a desire to master skills (Ryan & Deci, 2007). Also provided by SDT is a context for understanding how extrinsic and intrinsic motivations can initiate and sustain participation as well as subsequent benefits (Standage & Ryan, 2012). Intrinsic motivation refers to engaging in an activity for itself and for personal satisfaction from the activity, such as when a young soccer player finds it interesting to learn new moves when dribbling a ball. Extrinsic motivation refers to engaging in an activity not because it is enjoyable, but because it leads to a separate outcome that is either tangible (e.g., a trophy) or psychological (e.g., parental praise).A basis for SDT is that social influences regulate the extent to which one's motivation is self-determined through fulfillment of three needs: competence, relatedness, and autonomy (Ryan & Deci, 2000). Competence refers to perceptions of effectiveness in one's environment and relatedness is a sense of affiliation through connections with significant others. Autonomy refers to one's feelings of choice; when a person is autonomous, their behavior stems from their own free will (Deci & Ryan, 2002). Thus, when individuals experience support and satisfaction for autonomy, competence, and relatedness within an activity, they are more likely to internalize and take responsibility for behaviors. Self-determination is thought of as a continuum of relative autonomy, and higher autonomy is associated with behaviors which are more internalized (Deci & Ryan, 1985 a).At one end of this continuum, the least self-determined type of motivation is amotivation, which is non-regulated and lacks behavioral intention (Deci & Ryan, 2002). …
IntroductionStudies have shown how amateur sporting events can return significant economic benefits to host communities (Gibson, Kaplanidou, & Kang, 2012; Daniels, 2006; Crompton & Lee, 2000). Because of the perceived positive impacts such events can have on local economies, sports tourism bundled as a multi-event annual program for a given small or midsized American city is thought by some to be an effective tool for local or municipal economic stimulation. Yet, how do we measure to see whether this assumption is true? In order to know whether an annual sports tourism program generates returns in excess of a given hurdle rate, community leaders need to be able to estimate the annual economic impact that comprehensive sports programs generate in their communities.Measuring the economic impact of a single event is quite different from measuring the annual economic impact of a comprehensive sports tourism program, the latter being considerably more complex and challenging. Traditionally, visitor spending patterns are calculated event-by-event, using surveys of event attendees. Given that it is desirable to estimate the total economic impact of an entire annual sports tourism program, which would typically include dozens of sporting events spanning various event types, conducting surveys as a method of total impact analysis would become expensive, and beyond that, the need for an economic multiplier model arises. In fact, for small communities, conducting event surveys and hiring economists oftentimes is appropriately assessed to be financially infeasible.Absent costly event-specific data and an economic model, community planners currently have no clear method of estimating the economic impact of an annual multi-event sports tourism program. Currently, the literature on economic impact studies focuses on survey approaches of specific events, rather than on estimating the economic impact of annual sports tourism programs, which community leaders need. Here, we offer a procedure for estimating economic impact which differs from traditional, relatively labor-intensive models in two ways:1. By facilitating economic impact estimation of an annual sports tourism program comprising dozens of events and several event types, rather than an individual event;2. By allowing annual economic impact estimation of a sport tourism program to be made without requiring event-specific surveys or economic models, providing community leaders a relatively cost-effective way to determine the value of the annual program.Summary of the LiteratureSports tourism, as defined by Daniels, Norman, and Henry (2003) is all forms of active and passive involvement in sport activity, participated in casually or in an organized way for noncommercial or business/commercial reasons, that necessitate travel away from home and work locality (p. 180). While larger sports events receive a much larger share of media attention, multiple studies have indicated that mega and major sporting events often produce very little, if any, net positive impact on their host communities (Matheson, 2006; Baade, Baumann, & Matheson, 2009; Siegfried & Zimbalist, 2002; Daniels, 2006;). Conversely, events of a more modest size can have significant positive effects on a local economy (Daniels, 2006; Crompton & Lee, 2000; Higham, 1999). These small-scale events, though they spur a smaller amount of gross economic activity versus larger events, are of special interest to communities looking to generate economic impact through tourism. As Higham (1999) explains, small-scale events typically attract a steady and predictable tourist flow, are suited to the size of the host community, and impose a minimal strain on public resources.Daniels (2006) asserts that amateur events are a safer outlet for spurring local tourism: such events typically require neither a significant amount of public funding nor imposition on local residents. …
IntroductionSince the 1970s, consumers have become increasingly aware of the effect and organizations have on the natural environment (McCullough & Cunningham, 2010; Shrivastava, 1995). It is common for consumers to hear and read about the environmental impacts and carbon footprints organizations make while conducting day-to-day business operations (Mazar & Zhong, 2010). As such, the green consumer began to emerge in the 1980s and 1990s, evolved during the environmental movement, and now has a heightened environmental consciousness that guides their buying behavior (Peattie, 2001; Straughan & Roberts, 1999). To attract these consumers, an array of environmentally, or eco, sustainable products are now provided to attract this consumer market, as well as others that might not necessarily identify themselves as green consumers. In addition to offering environmental sustainable products, also try to limit the adverse effect their organization has on the environment as a way to attract consumers (Krause, 1993; Straughan & Roberts). In order to appeal to this target market, it is important for organizations to understand how their environmental initiatives, or lack thereof, influence purchasing decisions and consumer perceptions.As environmental disasters, like the 2010 British Petroleum Deepwater Horizon oil spill, become more apparent, these events can affect consumer's perceptions of a company and their products. That is, companies that do not add environmental thinking to their strategy ... risk missing upside opportunities in markets that are increasingly shaped by environmental factors (Esty & Winston, 2006, p. 10). To this end, sport firms committed to protecting the environment may be able to achieve economic success in an increasingly competitive marketplace (McCullough & Cunningham, 2010), by becoming aware of how their organization's environmental image is perceived by others (Behrend, Baker, & Thompson, 2010). Incorporating environmental aspects to an organization's strategy has been conceptualized to explain why more develop and implement green business models that act in accordance with popular environmental trends in society (Trail, 2015; 2016). However, in order to benefit from these actions, consumers must believe a sport entity is a credible advocate for environmental causes. To do so requires that the characteristics of the green campaign, as well as the characteristics of the organization align with the values and concerns of environmentally conscious consumers (Inoue & Kent, 2012).Unfortunately, environmental sustainability programs have faced challenges in creating an environmentally credible image among consumers, particularly in the sport industry (Show, 2009). Much to this end, almost half of sport executives surveyed indicated that environmental initiatives are mostly a marketing gimmick within the sport industry (Show). The limited success of these programs and the perceptions of executives within the industry could be attributed to the paucity of scholarly articles that focus on consumer purchase intentions and perceptions regarding environmentally sustainable business practices and products (Pickett-Baker & Ozaki, 2008), in particular surrounding the sport industry (Chard, Mallen, & Bradish, 2013).Building on the recommendations made by Chard and colleagues (2013) to develop a research response to the lack of for environmental sustainability research, we examine the influence of corporate (Balmer, 1997, 2001, 2009) concerning environmental communications on consumers' perceptions of an organization and their subsequent buying intentions. Specifically, we draw from signaling theory (Rynes, 1991; Spence, 1974) and social dominance theory (Sidanius & Pratto, 1999) to examine how signals regarding environmental initiatives affect perceptions of an organization and buying behavior. …
INTRODUCTIONResearchers have identified a host of determining factors to explain aggressive fan behavior (see reviews by Simons & Taylor, 1992; Wann, Melnick, Russell, & Pease, 2001). Among the variables studied, team identification has perhaps received the most attention. Team identification is briefly defined as "the extent to which a fan feels psychologically connected to a team" (Wann, Carlson, & Schrader, 1999, p.279). Studies have shown that highly identified fans have a tendency to act more aggressively (Wann, Carlson, et al., 1999; Wann, Haynes, McLean, & Pullen, 20003; Wann, Hunter, Ryan, & Wright, 2001). According to Wann, Carlson, et al., (1999), this is because identifying with a team is related to one's sense of self-worth. The possibility of losing poses a threat to an individual's self-concept which in turn can cause a state of defensiveness and aggressiveness. Additionally, highly identified fans are more likely to become anxious and aroused while watching their team compete which may result in aggressive behavior (Branscombe & Wann, 1992).Wann and colleagues have extended their research in a couple of areas to broaden our understanding of spectator aggression. The first concerns the type of aggression: hostile vs. instrumental (Wann, Schrader, & Carlson, 2000). Hostile aggression is motivated by anger with the goal of harming another individual, e.g., referee or opposing player. For example, a fan may verbally abuse or hurl an object toward an official with the intent to cause harm. Instrumental aggression on the other hand, involves the desire to harm another individual but with a more beneficial goal in mind. For example, a fan may harass an opposing player with the intent to diminish the player's ability to play at their optimum level (Wann et al., 2000).Results have shown that highly identified fans endorse both forms of hostile and instrumental aggression. More specifically, highly identified fans were more hostile than instrumental towards officials but displayed equal levels of hostile and instrumental aggression towards opposing players (Wann, Carlson, et al., 1999). These findings may be explained by the possibility that fans know officials have an obligation to be impartial when making calls and therefore understand that they cannot use their aggression instrumentally. Conversely, fans may believe they have seen evidence of opposing players affected by verbal or physical aggression and will therefore use such tactics to weaken player performance (Wann, Carlson, et al., 1999).Second, Wann and colleagues have examined the extent to which highly identified fans will engage in other more extreme forms of instrumental aggression. Specifically, Wann, Peterson, Cothran, and Dykes (1999) found that a portion of highly identified fans were willing to injure (break a leg) a player or coach of a rival team to help their team win a championship if they could remain anonymous. However, it is important to note that the majority were less willing to go to such an extreme. Similarly, Wann et al., (2001) found that only a minority of college sports fans were willing to engage in various forms of anonymous cheating to help their team win, e.g., helping a player cheat on an exam, stealing a test for a player, helping a player garner steroids, etc.Overall, the research has shown that highly identified fans have a tendency to act aggressively toward officials and opposing players in the form of verbal abuse and that it is done for both hostile and instrumental reasons. However, there is also evidence to suggest that there is a limit to what fans will do to help their team win. That is, few fans will go as far an injuring an opposing player or coach or to the extent of illegally assisting their team, e.g., stealing an exam for a player, bribing a referee, or helping a player obtain steroids.The following chapter extends the research on where fans (presumably highly identified) draw the line on aggressive forms of behavior. …
INTRODUCTIONDespite the implementation and intent of Title IX, women still face many obstacles in terms of gender equity in sports - both on the playing field and in the administrative offices. For instance, when Title IX was enacted in 1972, women represented approximately 90% of the head coaches for women's sports teams (Acosta & Carpenter, 1992): a proportion in a significant decline. Acosta and Carpenter (2014) reported approximately 43.4% of women's teams and 3.5% of men's teams employed female head coaches. The aforementioned disproportionate representation of female head coaches presents a unique situation for women within intercollegiate athletics.Coaching has traditionally been viewed as a masculine occupation, thereby valuing masculine traits as well (Aicher & Cunningham, 2011; Aicher & Sagas, 2010). Aicher and Sagas (2010) found individuals ascribe masculine characteristics to the coaching role and defined the phenomenon as Think coach, think male. The importance of masculine traits placed on the coaching profession in competitive sport may delimit women's opportunity to gain access to these types of positions because they are perceived as incongruent with the role (Aicher & Sagas, 2010). Women therefore must choose between displaying either feminine or masculine traits, which may create an environment in which acting in one manner may break from traditional gender expectations (Eagly & Karau, 2002). This dichotomy of gender expectations may engender a climate for the double bind.Frye (1983) defined the double bind as a situation in which individuals, regardless of any given choice, will potentially be subject to punishment, sanctions, or other negative consequences. The double bind is most simply defined as the feeling that whatever one does, it will not be right or acceptable. Common double binds for women in leadership positions are that they must be tough, but if they act tough, they will be perceived too aggressive and thus be viewed negatively (Frye, 1983; Shaw & Hoeber, 2003). Instances of the double bind place women in difficult situations, without any legitimate options, and have the potential to negatively impact a woman's career. As a result, women are placed in this double bind of either conforming to masculine ideals or behaving in more a traditionally feminine manner, both of which may increase women vulnerability to negative sanctions (Eagly & Karau, 2002; Jamieson, 1995).Those with power in intercollegiate athletics (i.e., white able-bodied protestant heterosexual males) have heightened the notion of the double bind and use it to oppress those without power (e.g., women) (Cunningham, 2008, Jamieson, 1995). Because sport values masculinity and masculine traits, women are seen as atypical employees, thereby creating a situation where they are defying stereotypes which dictate that men are best suited for a career in sport (Bryson, 1983; Shaw, 2006). These stereotypes may be a plausible explanation for negative outcomes women perceived in the coaching profession: treatment discrimination (Aicher & Sagas, 2009), less support from their supervisors (Dixon & Sagas, 2007), and express less interest in becoming a head coach (Cunningham, Doherty and Gregg, 2007).The gender type of the sport may also impact evaluation. Sports can be gender-typed as masculine, feminine or neutral because of the performance style in which the games are played (Kane & Snyder, 1989; Hardin & Greer, 2009, Koivula, 1995, 2001; Metheny, 1965; Schmalz & Davison, 2006; Riemer & Visio, 2003). Sports associated with power, aggression, and physical contact are considered masculine, while sports focusing on aesthetics, agility, and beauty are perceived as more feminine (Hardin & Greer, 2009; Koivula, 2001). Sports that balance these traits or focus on one aspect more so than the other are perceived as gender neutral (Hardin & Greer, 2009; Koivula, 2001). …
INTRODUCTIONPicture this. Y ou and a small group of friends decide to spend a Saturday afternoon together by attending an American football game between two public schools competing in the southern United States. You are familiar with the festivities surrounding football on weekends so as you park and make your way to the stadium it is common to see excited fans in the parking areas around coolers filled with beer, grilling the food of the day as tens of thousands of fans tailgate prior to kickoff.You enter the stadium, buy refreshments, and settle at your seats. The teams finish their on-field warm-ups and retreat to their respective locker room before the game officially commences in 15 minutes. Next, the marching band of more than 200 students takes the field playing the home team's fight song as the crowd roars, cheers, and chants along. The fight song concludes and a few individuals proceed to the middle of the field to present the American flag and honor the country by singing the National Anthem. The crowd begins to draw silent in expectation of the first notes, and the public address (PA) announcer broadcasts to tens of thousands of spectators, Let us pray ...The aforementioned anecdote reflects a gameday experience of many spectators at football games in the South. The practice of public pre-game prayer hosted at a state institution in 2013 may come as a surprise to some people, if not unsettling, due to the fact that the Supreme Court prohibits pre-game public invocations [1].Gameday ExperienceThe authors' primary discourse concerns that of sport management and sport sociology, and thus understanding the gameday experiences of spectators is essential to business operations given the fact that spectators are salient stakeholders [2]. Furthermore, examining the sociological implications of gameday experiences is essential since gameday experiences are inextricably tied to perceived stakeholder satisfaction [3]. Given the fact are two prominent social institutions of the Southern culture in the United States - college football and religion [4] - the purpose of this study was to assess the intersection of football and religion in the by analyzing pre-game public prayer at collegiate football games.College Football, Religion, and the SouthAmong the founding ideologies of the United States of America was separation of church and state (i.e., government). However, are references to God on U.S. currency, stated within the U.S. Pledge of Allegiance, and sacred texts, such as the Bible, are used in courtrooms for sworn testimonies [5]. Therefore, when discussing the intersection of college football, religion, and the culture of the southeastern United States (the South) it is difficult to provide independent context as the three elements are interrelated. Bain-Selbo describes these elements as threads woven into the fabric of Southern culture. It is important to note that the notion of place far exceeds the physical space associated with a town, region, state, or nation - it is also inclusive of the those living there and who they are and what that location means to them [6]. As such, the is a unique place profoundly shaped by its turbulent history involving the Civil War and its aftermath.Compared to other regions of the United States in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the was characterized by an overall aura of inferiority (e.g., poverty, infant mortality, low life expectancy, illiteracy) [7]. As the general popularity of football continued to grow in the United States, Southern society gravitated toward college football as a sense of pride in its young men. In a relatively short time, these core values, beliefs, and ideologies of the New South were reflected in college football [8]. Barnhart suggested nothing is more ingrained in the Southern psyche than the love of Southern college football - not as a game or a mere diversion, but as a way of life [9]. …
