Die Debatte um öffentlich-rechtliche Medien (ÖRM) in Deutschland ist nicht nur von strukturellen und politischen Herausforderungen geprägt, sondern wird auch entlang ideologischer Linien geführt. Empirische Befunde deuten darauf hin, dass Einstellungen zu ÖRM in der Bevölkerung entlang politischer Links-Rechts-Einstellungen variieren. Inwiefern sich solche Unterschiede auch in der Medienberichterstattung über ÖRM widerspiegeln, ist bislang jedoch kaum untersucht worden. Diese Studie setzt an dieser Forschungslücke an und analysiert am Beispiel des rbb-Skandals 2022 und anhand des theoretischen Konzepts der opportunen Zeugen, wie sieben deutsche (Print-)Medien mit unterschiedlicher politischer Ausrichtung über Strukturreformen von ÖRM berichten. Dabei wird untersucht, inwiefern in der Berichterstattung Politiker*innen als opportune Zeug*innen eingesetzt werden und inwiefern systematische Bevorzugungen oder Nicht-Nennungen bestimmter politischer Parteien, Kritikpunkte oder Reformforderungen erkennbar sind. Die Ergebnisse zeigen – im Einklang mit bisherigen Studien zu opportunen Zeug*innen –, dass vor allem konservative Medien zwar teilweise politische Akteur*innen, insbesondere aus der CDU/CSU, bevorzugen, eine systematische Bevorzugung oder Nicht-Nennung spezifischer Kritikpunkte und Reformforderungen sich jedoch nicht nachweisen lässt. Die Ergebnisse werden auf Basis der Überlegungen zum Konzept der opportunen Zeugen diskutiert, eingeordnet und als Heuristik in der Auswahl von Argumentträger*innen beschrieben.
Psychological professionals are increasingly using social media for digital health promotion, disseminating psychoeducational content and correcting inaccurate and misleading information. In this context, psychologists and psychotherapists face various challenges. Research on their professional presence and communication on social media is still limited. This study examines how psychologists and psychotherapists present themselves on Instagram, what motives can be inferred from their profiles and content, which content types dominate and to what extent ethical and professional regulations are apparent. Using qualitative content analysis, 20 Instagram profile descriptions with 254 story highlights from German-based psychologists and psychotherapists were systematically analyzed. Results indicate that both professional groups present themselves differently and address different topics. Psychologists tend to focus more on self-promotion, positioning themselves as experts and advertising their services, with personal and professional content often overlapping. Their content is dominated by everyday topics like sleep problems, exam anxiety or relationships, primarily aimed at lay audiences. Psychotherapists also target professional peers and emphasize their professional role, providing information about psychotherapy, expert recommendations and support resources while offering fewer personal insights. Both groups are actively engaged in psychoeducational work and educational outreach. Overall, there is a strong emphasis on community engagement and interaction. Ethical and professional references are only sporadically found in analyzed Instagram profiles. Findings offer relevant implications for science and practice regarding psychologists' and psychotherapists' professional self-presentation on Instagram.
The debate about public service media (PSM) in Germany is shaped not only by structural and political challenges but is increasingly conducted along ideological lines. Empirical findings suggest that attitudes toward the role of PSM among the population vary along a left-right dimension. However, it has hardly been studied to what extent these differences are reflected in media coverage of PSM. This study addresses this research gap and analyzes, using the example of the 2022 rbb scandal and the theoretical framework of opportune witnesses, how seven German (print) media outlets with different political orientations report on structural reforms of PSM. The study specifically investigates to what extent politicians are used as opportune witnesses in the coverage, and whether systematic preferences or exclusions of certain political parties, criticisms, or reform proposals are observable. The findings - consistent with previous research on opportune witnesses-indicate that conservative media tend to favor certain political actors, particularly from the CDU/CSU. However, no systematic preference or rejection of specific criticisms or reform demands can be identified. The results are discussed based on the concept of opportune witnesses and described as a heuristic for understanding the selection of argument carriers.
Minderheitsgruppen in einer Gesellschaft, etwa nationale, ethnische oder religiöse Minderheiten, sind häufig auf die Unterstützung anderer Gruppen – sogenannter Outgroups – angewiesen, um ihre Interessen durchzusetzen und sozialen Wandel herbeizuführen. Soziale Medien bieten vielfältige Möglichkeiten für stellvertretenden Intergruppenkontakt, der als niedrigschwelliges Mittel zur Förderung von Fremdgruppenunterstützung angenommen wird. Diese Studie untersucht den Intergruppenkontakt zwischen der gesellschaftlichen Mehrheitsgruppe heterosexueller Personen als Ingroup und der Minderheitsgruppe homosexueller Personen als Outgroup sowie zwischen der Mehrheitsgruppe der White Persons als Ingroup und der Minderheitsgruppe der People of Color (PoC) als Outgroup. Homosexuelle Personen und PoC sind Minderheitsgruppen, die in unserer Gesellschaft systematischer Diskriminierung und sozialer Benachteiligung ausgesetzt sind. Wir untersuchen die Effekte von positiven und negativen Intergruppenkontakten auf verschiedene Formen des Outgroup-Supports sowie die Rolle von Empathie und Perspektivenübernahme gegenüber der Fremdgruppe als potenzielle affektive und kognitive Mediatoren. Die Ergebnisse eines Online-Experiments (N = 477) mit einer stratifizierten demografischen Stichprobe der deutschen Bevölkerung zeigen, dass beobachteter Intergruppenkontakt in Kommentarsektionen sozialer Medien weder Empathie noch verschiedene Formen des Outgroup-Supports beeinflusst. Stattdessen beeinflussen Empathie und Perspektivenübernahme Outgroup-Support unabhängig vom beobachteten Intergruppenkontakt.
News softening describes a journalistic strategy to attract maximum attention with the help of certain content (soft news) or a soft style – a goal also included in the (algorithm-based) logics of social platforms. However, there is a lack of empirical evidence on the extent to which adapting news media to social media logic is accompanied by news softening, particularly due to the lack of a conceptual basis. The traditional softening concept (Reinemann et al., 2012), developed based on mass media logic and not considering social media-specific softening aspects, cannot be applied to social platforms without running the risk of underestimating the actual degree of news softening. For this reason, this paper develops the concept of “social news softening” based on the conceptualization of social media logic by Hermida and Mellado (2020), from which it derives adaptation strategies. The new concept includes five dimensions – emotionality, subjectivity, individualization framing, sensational framing, and audience orientation – and can be understood as a conceptual extension of the traditional concept, supplementing its dimensions and characteristics (many of which are still relevant to social media) with social media-specific ones. In addition, this paper provides considerations on how platform-specific affordances impact social news softening on distinct platforms. Thus, this paper is an important starting point for urgently needed empirical studies on news softening in the context of platformization processes and the adaptation of news media to the logics of social media. Therefore, this paper links softening research with current issues in journalism and media performance research.
This article scrutinizes the anti-establishment media sphere in German-speaking countries along high-reach Telegram channels. We are theorizing this sphere as communicative figuration. To describe this figuration, we conducted a quantitative content analysis of the 40 most influential German-speaking hyperpartisan, alternative, and conspiracy Telegram channels (HAG) in 2023. Our sample of more than 2,700 single posts allows us to build a typology of these channels. Our seven types represent a broad variety of different practices. Thus, the alternative public discourse emerging from the most influential Telegram channels can be seen as a diverse and dynamic network of interactions. The importance of curation as an editorial practice seems to be a major characteristic of HAG Telegram channels.
This editorial examines how synthetic media and deepfakes unsettle the epistemic foundations of contemporary public communication. We outline how rapidly advancing generative technologies erode long-standing assumptions about the authenticity of visual and audiovisual content and challenge the institutional capacities of journalism, science, politics, and the arts to maintain credibility and public trust. The contributions to this Special Issue demonstrate these dynamics across different national contexts and communicative domains, highlighting how synthetic media transform political campaigning, newsroom practices, audience cognition and strategies of verification. The resulting picture is one of accelerating technological complexity confronting comparatively slow-moving epistemic institutions. We therefore argue for a coordinated, interdisciplinary research agenda that addresses challenges in media reception and effects, political communication, journalism studies, visual communication, media education, media ethics, media law, and communication history. Such an agenda is essential for safeguarding the integrity of shared knowledge in an increasingly synthetic information environment.
With the arrival of generative AI (genAI) in 2022, waves of hype and handwringing struck the news industry. These initial responses have proved overblown, if not without foundation. The challenges and opportunities of synthetic media for news are real, if more humdrum than the hype would suggest. In this paper, we draw from a two-phase qualitative study to explore how these challenges and opportunities have manifested in Australian newsrooms. We focus on: 1) How are newsrooms implementing genAI in the production of synthetic media? 2) How do newsrooms perceive the potential impacts of synthetic media on news integrity? 3) How are perceived impacts on news integrity mediating the implementation of genAI, particularly for synthetic media? Industry surveys have shown that uptake of genAI in Australian newsrooms is low relative to comparable markets. In phase 1, we found almost no use of genAI to produce synthetic media for publication. This reflected apprehension over the limitations of genAI and acute consciousness of threats to trust and news integrity. Phase 2 found some moderation of concern as low-risk opportunities had emerged, though applications in audience-facing content were still limited. Participants continued to express strong concerns about news integrity and audience trust. We apply both a technological process lens and a normative lens focused on the concept of news integrity to interpret participant insights. We conclude that the limited uptake of genAI in Australian newsrooms is driven by concerns about news integrity in a broad sense, going beyond journalistic standards to encompass the sociopolitical functions of journalism as well as concerns about continued platformisation of the media economy and an increasingly degraded information environment.
Like other emerging technologies, deepfakes present both risks and benefits to society. Due to harmful applications such as disinformation and non-consensual pornography, calls for their regulation have increased recently. However, little is known about public support for deepfake regulation and the factors related to it. This study addresses this gap through a pre-registered online survey (n = 1,361) conducted in Switzerland, where citizens can influence political regulation through direct democratic instruments, such as referendums. Our findings reveal a strong third-person perception, as people believe that deepfakes affect others more than themselves (Cohen’s d = 0.77). This presumed effect on others is a weak but significant predictor of support for regulation (β = 0.07). However, we do not find evidence for the second-person effect – the idea that individuals who perceive deepfakes as highly influential on both themselves and others are more likely to support regulation. However, an exploratory analysis indicates a potential second-person effect among females, who are specifically affected by deepfakes; a result which must be further explored and replicated. Additionally, we find that higher perceived risk and greater trust in institutions are positively associated with support for deepfake regulation.
Intervening to bolster human detection of deepfakes has proven difficult. Little is known about the behavioural strategies people employ when attempting to detect deepfakes. This paper reports two studies in which non-experts completed a deepfake detection task. As part of the task, participants were presented with a series of short videos – half of which were deepfakes – and asked to categorise each video as either deepfake or authentic. In Study 1 (N = 391), an online study, participants were randomly assigned to a control or intervention group (in which they received a list of detection strategies before the detection task). After the detection task, participants elaborated on the approach they employed during the task. In Study 2 (N = 32), a laboratory-based study, participants’ gaze behaviour (fixations and saccades) was recorded during the detection task. No detection strategies were provided to Study 2 participants. Consistent with prior research, Study 1 participants showed modest detection accuracy (M = .61, SD = .14) – only somewhat above chance levels (.50) – with no difference between the intervention and control groups. However, content analysis of participants’ self-reports revealed that the intervention successfully shifted participants’ attention toward cues such as skin texture and facial movements, while the control group more frequently reported relying on intuition (gut feeling) and features such as body language. Study 2 found similar levels of detection accuracy (M = .65, SD = .20). Participants focused their gaze primarily on the eyes and mouth rather than the body, showing a slight preference for the eyes over the mouth. No differences in gaze were found between authentic and deepfake videos or between correctly and incorrectly categorised videos. The findings suggest interventions can modify detection behaviours (even without improving accuracy). Future interventions may benefit from directing attention from the eyes toward more diagnostic features, such as face–body inconsistencies and the face boundary.
Since the technology for generating synthetic media content became available to a wider audience in 2022, the social and communication sciences face the urgent question of how these technologies can be used to spread disinformation and how well recipients are equipped to deal with this risk. Research so far has focused primarily on the phenomenon of deepfakes, which mostly refers to visual media generated or modified by artificial intelligence. Most studies aim to test how well recipients can detect such deepfakes, and they generally conclude that recipients are rather poor at detecting them. In contrast, this analysis focuses on the broader concept of synthetic disinformation, which includes all forms of AI-generated content for the purpose of deception. We investigate the process of how actors with professional expertise in the field of disinformation try to detect AI-generated disinformation in text, visual and audio content and which strategies and resources they employ. To gauge an upper bound for societal preparedness, we conducted guided interviews with 41 actors in elite positions from four sectors of German society (politics, corporations, media and administration) and asked them about their strategies for detecting synthetic disinformation in text, visual and audio content. The respondents apply different detection strategies for the three media formats. The data shows substantial differences between the four groups when it comes to detection strategies. Only the media professionals consistently describe analytical, rather than simply intuitive, methods for verification.
The rise of AI-generated content represents a new frontier in political communication. As synthetic media become more sophisticated and accessible, their role in shaping voter perceptions and influencing public discourse warrants closer examination. This study examines the use of AI-generated images in the 2025 German federal election campaign, assessing their prevalence, strategic use, and transparency. We conducted a content analysis of Instagram posts from the major German political parties and their youth organizations in the six weeks leading up to the election. Our analysis focused on identifying AI-generated visuals, evaluating their labeling practices, and examining their communicative and ideological functions. We also compared differences in adoption and usage patterns across parties to assess potential implications for democratic processes. Our findings indicate that the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) uses synthetic visuals significantly more than other parties. These AI-generated images are predominantly photorealistic and often lack clear labeling, raising concerns about transparency and potential voter deception. The AfD primarily uses such visuals for emotional and ideological messaging, using AI-generated content to reinforce its political narratives and mobilize support. Our findings provide a structured assessment of AI-generated content in German political communication and highlight the potential risks associated with unregulated use of synthetic media in electoral campaigns. Our research also contributes to the broader discourse on the ethical implications of synthetic media in democratic societies.
Discursive self-empowerment, the visibility of political attitudes and acting towards societal transformation are vernacular practices in social media. This also applies to parts of journalistic actors who advocate for equality and social justice alongside or within their professional activities. Results from qualitative ethnographic case studies on border crossers who are active in journalism and/or activism based on a feminist perspective are reported. The boundary work approach, implemented here in a comparative design that examines the perspectives of journalists and activists in an interrelationship, guides the analysis. In addition to discursive boundary work (normative imagery/role orientation), the actual positioning of the actors in their professional fields was also analyzed (practical actuality/role performance). A comparison of the groups shows a tendency towards opposing boundary work: While the activists discursively argue and justify complementary cooperation of independent, clearly separated fields of activity, the (feminist) journalists justify the hybridization of both fields. This hybridization is legitimized with the (new) norm of transparent, evidence-based partisanship, linked to the idea of community-oriented journalism with a high degree of personal approachability. On the level of practical performance, the activists show formal and stylistic overlaps with journalistic practices, contrary to the verbal demarcation, while the journalists (can) realize the hybridity that verbally has been made strong to varying degrees. The concept of boundary work is made fruitful for the praxeologically based analysis of ongoing negotiating of boundaries between professional journalism and other forms of public communication, which pose a particular challenge in digital media environments. The relational perspective of investigation here allows for a nuanced and dynamic consideration of boundary changes beyond dichotomous distinctions (journalism, non-journalism).
User comments have emerged as a prominent feature accompanying news articles, which has changed how audiences interact with journalistic content. While offering options for reader engagement and community building, previous research has shown that these comments also significantly shape readers’ perception of an article’s journalistic quality. The study extends this research strand with survey data on audience perception and eye-tracking technology in an experiment. This design allows for (1) analyzing eye movement data to gauge the attention paid to user comments and (2) how the presence, tone, and content of these comments influence readers’ perception of overall quality. The results show that high-quality articles are more likely to captivate readers’ interest and maintain their attention throughout the reading process than low-quality ones. Moreover, positive reader comments affect the perception of specific journalistic quality dimensions (e.g., transparency and diversity), while negative comments garner more attention. The findings shed light on this complex interaction between user comments and journalistic quality perception, offering valuable insights for journalists, news organizations, and online platforms striving to optimize the reader’s experience while upholding journalistic standards.
Using data of N = 70 articles from newspapers in the United Kingdom, this study explores whether UK print media of both broadsheet and tabloid press make use of issue-specific frames (Entman, 1993) in the reporting on male rape. Current UK legislation does not recognize women as perpetrators of male rape; this was also reflected in the majority of articles addressing male rape. A total of nine frames were identified following Mayring’s (2015) approach to qualitative content analysis. The frames can be differentiated into situational, victim, and perpetrator frames. The reporting includes (male) rape myths based on sex stereotypes placing perpetrators and victims in unequal power dynamics. In line with previous research, the findings can be related to sex-role socialization, which places men and women into stereotypical categories of masculinity and femininity. In addition, sex-role socialization is expanded by matters of sexual orientation: Stereotypes of femininity are projected on homosexual men and the victims are placed in a subordinate role compared to the perpetrators. The comparison of tabloid and broadsheet press shows that both portray male rape similarly. However, tabloids put greater emphasis on entertainment and use ways that are more in touch with the audience to illustrate male rape.
Our study examines the sustainability communication of German stock index-listed (DAX) companies on X (formerly Twitter) and Instagram. We examine the frequency and content of sustainability-related posts and seek to answer two main questions: The frequency and topics of sustainability communication among the 40 DAX companies (RQ1), and any patterns or differences based on their proximity to consumers (RQ2). We analyzed all tweets and Instagram posts of these companies from their inception to November 2022 (NX = 642,897, NInstagram = 66,867), using a combination of machine learning classifiers to identify sustainability-related content and topic modeling to identify sustainability-related topics. Our findings highlight a significant pent-up demand in the prioritization of sustainability in the public communications of DAX-listed companies on social media.
Recently, autonomous driving has received significant attention in risk and science communication research due to its increasing public visibility. However, media research has not differentiated between individual autonomous mobility (IAM) and autonomous public transport (APT), although autonomous and/or automated buses are being tested on the roads of many European municipalities. The reference to science in the media discourse has not been a major focus. Therefore, we analyzed regional and national German news media from 2018 to early 2023 using quantitative content analysis. The findings revealed three frames: Neutral traffic/business stories, safety and governance concerns, and benefits of science and technology. APT was framed more positively, while IAM was more often framed in terms of risk/safety concerns. References to science were scarce, with implications for science communication and reporting.
Many phenomena relevant to communication studies occur at the group level, yet methodological options for collecting data from groups as analytical units are limited. This contribution proposes the idea of a comprehensive, standardized, online group survey approach designed for dyads and small groups. Unlike conventional methods, the group survey approach can simultaneously account for group constructs’ interactivity and heterogeneity, measure unobservable constructs, and be applied efficiently to large samples. It could also facilitate experiments, longitudinal studies, and multilevel analyses with natural groups across diverse communication contexts. This paper lays the groundwork for the group survey approach in three steps. First, it contextualizes the approach theoretically and methodologically. Second, it introduces its core principles, implementation, advantages, and limitations. Third, it tests its practical applicability through a qualitative analysis of the collective response process. The paper concludes by outlining the next steps for validating the group survey approach.
