This paper critically examines the functioning of the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) through the lens of neo-liberal institutionalism in international relations. It explores the extent to which IORA has shaped state behaviour and fostered cooperation in the geopolitically significant Indian Ocean Region (IOR). Using a deductive approach and qualitative research methods, including interviews with regional experts and analysis of institutional documents, the study evaluates IORA’s effectiveness in promoting regional integration, security collaboration, and economic development among its members. While IORA has successfully provided a platform for dialogue, capacity building, and thematic cooperation in areas such as economic cooperation, maritime domain awareness, blue economy, and disaster management, its broader influence remains limited. Key challenges include weak institutional leadership, minimal budgetary support, unresolved bilateral tensions, and overlapping mandates with other regional organizations. The paper argues that although IORA reflects the normative aspirations of neo-liberal institutionalism, its operational limitations hinder its potential to shape a meaningful regional order. The findings highlight the need for structural reforms, increased funding, and stronger political commitment from key member states to enhance IORA’s role in the evolving strategic landscape of the Indian Ocean.
Finland, as a Nordic country, is located at the intersection of the Baltic Sea region and the High North, on the NATO-Russia front line. Its role as a buffer between the West and Russia has become particularly important after the aggression of Russia against Ukraine in February 2022. A full-scale war, and the resulting increase in the risk of direct confrontation between Russia and NATO, has had far-reaching consequences for Finland’s security architecture. Finland, which until now described itself as a non-aligned country, realized that its current strategy may prove insufficient in the face of new security challenges. Moreover, Russian aggression shocked public opinion, which resulted in increased support for Finland’s accession to the North Atlantic Alliance. Despite problems related to Turkish objections to membership, the ratification process was exceptionally quick, and as a result, on April 4, 2023, Finland became the thirty-first member of NATO. Joining the Alliance is the biggest change in Finland’s foreign policy since the beginning of its membership in the European Union in 1995 and represents a historic shift in Finnish defence policy. In light of these complex and multi-layered research issues, this article attempts to define the role that Finland will play in the NATO security system in the Baltic Sea region in the future.
This article uses Poland as a focal point to examine Japan’s strategic restraint regarding global security diplomacy. While Poland and Japan are both democratic nations, have similar assessments of threats to their national security, and the security nexus between Warsaw and Tokyo is expanding, there is strategic restraint for Japan to act beyond the Indo-Pacific. Japan’s foreign policy is regionally constrained by global challenges stemming from constitutional pacifism, institutional fragmentation, and an overwhelmingly socially constructed normative identity as a civilian power. Using a structural evaluation and a recap of deeds and omissions, this article argues that Japan’s restraint comes not from a place of strategy but from structure. Therefore, through the bilateral relationship with Japan and Poland, the challenge for Poland is the challenge for Japan. Ultimately, to render Japan an ideal actor for the international community’s goals of other partners, an overhaul of the internal structural support rendering strategic restraint is required – for only then will Japan extend its boundaries, and for now, other partners should not expect any specific yield from extended policies but instead, engage in diplomatic entrepreneurship.
The aim of this article was to identify the main errors and weaknesses in the actions of the Russian air force in the war in Ukraine and to determine their effects. This article presents research findings focused on assessing the offensive actions conducted by the Russian air force following the armed invasion of Ukraine from February 2022 to early 2024. The scientific considerations presented in the article allowed for the identification of fundamental weaknesses within the Russian air force that prevented it from achieving air superiority over Ukraine. In the Author’s assessment, these weaknesses in the Russian air force have had a fundamental impact on the course of ground operations. The article’s analyses are supported by statistical data that convincingly affirm the validity of the discussions as well as the conclusions and generalizations drawn. Additionally, this article also presents the results of confrontations by Ukrainian air defense forces in engagements with a wide range of manned and unmanned aerial vehicles, as well as cruise and ballistic missiles employed by the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation. The analysis covers the period from 2022 to March 2024.
Can the Russian diaspora play a role in the process of democratisation of the Russian Federation? Our study consisted of both qualitative and quantitative analysis of the attitudes of persons of Russian origin in the Republic of Poland towards the Russian Federation itself and towards non-systemic opposition. The analysis revealed that many Russians in Poland are pro-democratic and do not agree with the particular vision of state-led nationalism as adopted by Putin’s regime. The study has shown that although diaspora may have a potential in affecting democratic change in Russia, it may not turn into tangible effects, as Russians abroad may not mobilise and may decide to stay in the country of residence.
The article analyses how Polish researchers representing the discipline of security studies perceive the issue of pacifism. The study that gave rise to this work was conducted among 23 researchers using the diagnostic survey method. They were asked to write a onepage statement on the topic of ‘pacifism and security studies.’ In the responses received, key themes and dominant structures were identified through the use of thematic and narrative analysis. The respondents considered pacifism to be a utopian idea, inadequate to contemporary international realities, and its absolutist form was considered a potential threat to state security. The article emphasises the need for further interdisciplinary research on pacifism, which would take into account its diverse ideological, religious, and axiological foundations and potential impact on defence policy and international relations. In the conducted study, we decided to apply both thematic and narrative analysis to the individual responses collected from the participants. In addition, we used the following methods in accordance with Steinar Kvale’s approach: meaning condensation and conversation analysis.
The objective of the present article is to identify and assess the causes of gender disparities in the elections for the office of President of the Republic of Poland in the years 1990–2025. There is an opinion, well-present in the subject literature, that the low participation of women in the exercise of political leadership translates into a small number of women running for election (Hartliński, 2012). This means that women are less likely to be nominated as candidates in the presidential elections by male-dominated political parties. This state of affairs is also due to social factors, including, above all, existing stereotypes about both women and politics. The subject literature indicates, i.a., the stereotype, deeply rooted in society, that the role of a leader is to be played by a man (Żukiewicz, 2011). The problem, however, is that this stereotype is perpetuated in the presidential elections in Poland, which is undoubtedly conducive to preserving political patriarchy. Political will proves to be the decisive factor influencing the increase in the participation of women in politics. During the last 35 years, only six women ran for the presidential leadership in eight elections.
This article examines women’s participation in elections in Poland after 1989 as both a measure of democratic inclusiveness and a catalyst for socio-political change. Set against the systemic transformation and the rebuilding of democratic institutions, it analyses the legal and institutional frameworks that shape women’s access to elected office and the party-level practices that mediate it. Focusing on representation in the Sejm and the Senate, as well as women’s presence in presidential contests, the study shows that formal guarantees and later quota provisions expanded opportunities but did not remove positional disadvantages arising from list placement and persistent gender stereotypes. The findings indicate that outcomes were driven less by law alone than by the interaction between legal regulations and party strategies of candidate selection and resource allocation. While women’s increasing visibility has broadened agendas and strengthened democratic legitimacy, substantive equality remains contingent on reforms within parties, including placement mechanisms and financial parity, alongside institutional safeguards that embed inclusion as a routine feature of Poland’s electoral politics.
This article examines the role of strategic continuity in national defence innovation policy as a determinant of long-term technological and military success. Drawing on frameworks such as innovation ecosystems, national innovation systems, and the entrepreneurial state, the study analyses structural and institutional conditions that enable or hinder the transformation of R&D into operational capabilities. The case of Poland serves as the primary empirical reference, with particular focus on two long-term programmes – Iryda and PZA LOARA – supported by comparative insights from EU and NATO sources. The analysis highlights the negative effects of fragmented responsibilities, funding gaps, and insufficient mechanisms for managing transition phases, particularly between Technology Readiness Levels 6 and 7. The study calls for a systemic approach that integrates capability planning, R&D priorities, and innovation financing. It also underscores the importance of supranational instruments such as the European Defence Fund and mission-oriented public investment. The findings confirm that innovation success in the defence sector depends not only on scientific excellence or funding, but also on long-term institutional alignment. Key recommendations include improving the coordination of national smart specialisations with defence objectives, introducing performance-based incentives, and strengthening public-private collaboration to overcome inertia and build sovereign capability.
The idea of establishing a separate fund within the EU arose during the COVID-19 crisis. It was assumed that after the temporary closure of key economic sectors, an additional flow of money would be needed to stimulate economic activity again. This instrument was to be RRF, described as the main pillar of the Next Generation EU strategy. The text falls within the field of research on the EU legal system and international relations. The aim of the article is to present the RRF legalization process at the level of EU institutions and to analyze their most important documents, including those required at the national level and processed by EU institutions, enabling the blocking of funds during and after the COVID-19 crisis. Until now, there has been no such important, synthetic evaluation. An answer was obtained to the question of whether the suspension of payments to Poland from the RRF was in line with the previously established criteria and the expressed will of all leaders of the member states and other EU institutions, and whether it was sufficiently clearly formulated and recorded in documents. A chronological-descriptive and analytical-problem-based method was used.
The COVID-19 pandemic forced most countries to use new or previously not applied state management instruments to protect public health, safety, and order. Modern technology allowed the continuity of essential state functions and tasks, and the introduction of emergency precautions in the form of lockdowns was intended to minimise the risk of the coronavirus spread. It was assumed that the solutions introduced would be temporary and that once the threat subsided, the previous order would be restored. This approach to combating the global pandemic was important from the point of view of citizens, who in most countries accepted the emergency regulations introduced, even though many of their freedoms and rights were significantly curtailed. Human rights may indeed be restricted in special circumstances, but only under and within the limits of the existing law. The purpose of this paper is to show how Poland restricted civil rights and freedoms during the coronavirus pandemic, as well as answer the question of whether those restrictions were in accordance with the requirements of legality, necessity, and proportionality.
This article attempts to conceptualize post-truth as a form of structural violence in the sense proposed by Johan Galtung. The author argues that post-truth, understood as a systemic communicative environment, can result in long-term, uneven access to knowledge and a weakening of the epistemic agency of individuals and social groups. Drawing on the theories of epistemic injustice, epistemic oppression, and cognitive exploitation, the article demonstrates that post-truth not only disrupts the process of information exchange but also reproduces structural mechanisms of exclusion, deprivation, and epistemic marginalization. This phenomenon is analyzed as a form of violence that does not operate through physical coercion, but rather leads to a systemic cognitive deficit that undermines basic human needs related to understanding social reality. The article also discusses the limitations of this interpretation and its analytical potential in the context of civic and political education.
The study aims to reevaluate the role of constructivism within IR by reassessing its philosophical underpinnings. The main research question posed by this paper is whether constructivism can be coherently recognized as a philosophy of science applicable to IR. Mainly, the paper investigates how constructivism aligns with the philosophy of science on ontological and epistemological grounds, hypothesizing that constructivism provides a valid interpretative framework for understanding the social dynamics in international politics. It is a qualitative research method considering discourse analysis, literature review, and case study in an effort to explain how constructivism challenges IR theories like realism and liberalism. Results show that, while emphasizing the role of ideas, norms, and social interactions, constructivism provides a more subtle explanation of international relations compared to materialist approaches. It underlined the importance of social reality, intersubjectivity, and identity construction. The findings of the research are that while not being universally applicable to all sciences, constructivism still proved to be a strong tool for IR in attempting to better understand how states and actors construct reality through social processes. Important implications will pertain to global governance, climate change policies, and the role of non-state actors in international politics.
The growing complexity and turbulence of the contemporary security environment indicate the need to search for new ways of studying and understanding it. To meet these demands, the article presents the research results of Polish senior officers’ assessment of NATO using an animalization test. The conducted research may be interesting for two reasons. First, the formulated conclusions indicate potential sources of diversity in NATO introduced by the Central and Eastern European countries. The consequences of that diversity may represent a great opportunity in response to the increasing environmental complexity. However, they may also cause rifts within NATO, as is currently happening within the EU. Secondly, due to the purposive selection of respondents who are not only experts with extensive experience but also likely to influence important decisions made by politicians in the near future. The analysis results encourage similar research in other countries in order to make a broader comparison.
The article examines the 14th Five-Year Plan (2021–2025) as a tool for China’s socioeconomic development and political control. The research identifies three key dimensions of political control embedded in the plan: regulation of economic variables, coordination across public policies and administrative levels, and management oversight mechanisms. The plan fosters innovation as the primary driver of growth, reinforced by the “dual circulation” policy that balances domestic and international markets to enhance economic resilience. Coordination ensures alignment of local and central policies, addressing disparities among regions while promoting sustainable development. The 14th Plan is also an instrument of political control, using evaluation systems, cadre oversight, and mandatory and indicative goals to enforce compliance with government priorities. The findings suggest that the 14th Plan serves dual purposes: achieving developmental objectives and consolidating centralized control over China’s economy and society. This duality reflects the Chinese government’s integration of authoritarian principles into modern strategic planning. This research provides new insights into the role of planning in authoritarian states, particularly its capacity to align political and economic priorities.
The article has two purposes. The first is to analyse how Polish perceptions of the Volhynian Massacre have changed over the past two decades. The second is to show the prevailing attitudes of the general public with regard to Poland’s historical policy towards Ukraine. To gain insight into the evolution of public perceptions, the author drew upon existing data: the results of nationwide surveys conducted by the Centre for Public Opinion Research, data derived from academic studies, and statistics published by the country’s leading media outlets. The author’s thesis is that, over time, awareness of the 1943 events has gradually spread and has become an integral part of the nation’s collective memory. To achieve the second objective, an original survey on a representative sample of adult Poles proved necessary. The results indicate that the institutions of the Polish state are now perceived as having a notable role in preserving the memory of the Massacre. However, the majority of poll respondents believe that the authorities could do more to facilitate PolishUkrainian reconciliation. While respondents value symbolic gestures such as public acts of expiation, the prevailing view is that the key to mutual understanding is closer cooperation between professionals, namely, Polish and Ukrainian historians.
The Russia–Ukraine war has become a crucial conflict in modern geopolitics and is changing the world order. The political, economic, and social aspects of the conflict are highlighted in this write-up, which explores its lessons and consequences. The role of alliances, the limitations of traditional military strengths in the face of strong defenses, and the growing significance of hybrid warfare, which includes cyberattacks and information manipulation, are among the primary lessons learned from this war. Economically, it has affected the energy market and the food supply chain, which has resulted in crippling Russia and Ukraine economically. The war has highlighted weaknesses in global interconnectedness, leading countries to reconsider the strategic autonomy and resilience of their supply chains. Militarily, the war has changed defensive strategies in the world by highlighting the importance of contemporary weapons, drone technology, cyberwarfare, and flexible tactics. War has exposed weaknesses of international institutions in conflict resolution while reaffirming the importance of collective diplomatic engagement and security. The lessons highlight the effects of the conflicts that have caused a massive humanitarian crisis by displacing millions. This write-up provides a framework for understanding the far-reaching effects of the war and the strategic lessons for future conflict prevention and resolution.
Democracy is under threat worldwide from authoritarian leaders who reject pluralism and espouse policies that undermine established democratic principles and norms. The election of these politicians is particularly alarming since it shows that a sizeable portion of the population is receptive to authoritarian ways of governance. This study explores which groups are open to authoritarian rule. Guided by the literature, we identify four factors associated with preferences for authoritarian governance: dissatisfaction with the political system, low political trust, cultural conservatism, and political disengagement. We examine the impact of these variables using survey data from Poland and Taiwan, two young democracies that transitioned during the Third Wave. Results reveal that cultural conservatism is the consistent predictor of support for authoritarianism in both countries, irrespective of the regional context. However, the impacts of other variables usually vary, in most cases underscoring the influence of different contextual factors on citizens’ attitudes toward authoritarianism.
The article investigates the longevity of the careers of members of regional boards. By referring to the Polish phenomenon of ‘everlasting mayors’ investigated at the local level, the main research question was whether a similar trend can be discerned in relation to regional executives. The analysis indicates, firstly, that the majority of the regional elite had short careers, as they were in office for less than one term; nevertheless, 12% were re-elected at least twice. The second observation is that the duration spent in office by the current elite does not differ from that of their predecessors. However, the stabilisation of Polish regional party systems after 2006 created more favourable conditions for durable regional careers for members of certain parties (PSL and PO). Finally, the post held in the regional executive mattered. The positions of heads of regional boards could be recognised as attractive, as, despite the numerous instances of single-term mayors (more than a third), the visible group of those who were re-elected at least twice and everlasting heads of regional boards was large (nearly 10%).
This article attempts to capture the dynamics of network warfare in the context of decentralized hacktivist initiatives. For that reason, we adopt a case study methodology as it aligns with the need for detailed, contextual, and theoretically informed analyses of hacktivist activities. The article pursues two objectives. The first is to discuss the operational methods used by key actors in cyberwarfare (case study). Two different tactical approaches form the basis for this discussion: the exploitation of information leaks (the case of WikiLeaks), and the pulsing attacks on targets, commonly referred to as swarming (the case of Anonymous and Sandworm). The second objective is to propose effective ways to reduce the risks posed by decentralized hacktivist activities. From the perspective of the latter objective, we present a strategy of “motivation management” aimed at using propaganda efforts to influence specific ideologically motivated attitudes and to mobilize grassroots action at the network level. In our opinion, this strategy, especially if it is based on an adequate mapping of the threat, can be used to combat it effectively
