In the United States, public education has become a focal point of the culture wars. Political polarization is a significant challenge for many school districts, and tensions are further exacerbated by the spread of misinformation, especially on social media platforms. This article examines how superintendents work to address the spread of misinformation in their districts. The research draws on data from a mixed-methods study that included a survey of 944 superintendents as well as qualitative interviews with a representative subset of 38 participants. The findings indicate that superintendents across the United States are concerned about the spread of misinformation. Superintendents employ a variety of communication strategies, which are presented as a typology, using the dimensions of scale and formality. Potential implications from the findings are discussed, including the need for professional development opportunities related to more nuanced and proactive strategic communication plans.
What political leaders say about disability reflects whose rights are prioritized and how equitably education systems serve students with disabilities. This paper presents a systematic discourse analysis of public statements about people with disabilities made by White House and Cabinet officials, and proposed federal bills affecting individuals with disabilities during 2025. Using structured, AI-supported methods grounded in Critical Discourse Analysis and the human rights model of disability, we collected, validated, and scored statements and bills on a 4-point scale ranging from valuing (4) to dehumanizing (1) people with disabilities. Of 121 validated public statements, 73.6% were deficit-oriented, critical, or harmful: 39.7% included hate speech or ableist language, and 33.9% employed a critical or deficit-based frame. In contrast, 92.0% of disability-related bills ( n = 32) reflected valuing language, although education-specific bills were more negatively framed, with 42.9% using a deficit lens. Findings are discussed in relation to students’ federal educational rights.
This article examines how the politics of survival and resistance shape the terrain of profit from educational technologies (edtech) during COVID-19. Drawing on the cases of Chicago Public Schools in Chicago, Illinois, and Orange County Public Schools in Orlando, Florida, we argue that almost all aspects of schooling were corporatized due to the perceived necessity of virtual solutions to address the crisis. This corporatization occurred as school districts directed an unprecedented infusion of federal funding into Big Tech and edtech companies with limited overt resistance from teachers’ unions, families, and community organizations. These groups were understandably more preoccupied with resistance related to life-and-death matters, alongside pressing concerns about learning loss. These forces illuminate a phenomenon we call the edtech exception: Technology companies exploit the particularities of a crisis, positioning themselves as providing essential and exceptional solutions, thus maneuvering under the radar of public accountability and broader resistance to educational privatization.
Teacher and student ethnoracial match increases the likelihood of student academic success. This study explores whether assignment to teachers in grades 9 through 12 who either share students’ ethnoracial background or are teachers of color is associated with attendance or academic achievement in high school, and with college enrollment. Using linear probability models and administrative data from New York City Public Schools for students who graduated between 2017–2020, we find a positive relationship between the share of ethnoracially matched teachers and student attendance rate and GPA for Asian and Latine students and a negative relationship for Black students. One explanation for our findings is that there may be differences between Black students with a high versus a low share of Black teachers. Finally, the likelihood of student college enrollment was not related to the proportion of teachers of the same ethnoracial background nor the proportion of teachers of color.
This paper examines disparities in AP ® STEM course availability using the complete population of AP audit records (2015–2019), joined with NCES data on the characteristics of U.S. public high schools in operation during the period (N = 21,139). It examines: (1) how the number of AP STEM courses offered varies by geographic locale, and (2) how the availability of specific AP STEM courses differs across locales. Results show that rural and town schools offer fewer courses—both in terms of the total number of courses available and the likelihood of offering each course. The rural/town availability gaps are smallest for core-adjacent STEM courses and largest for high-math-demand courses. Regional and local variation in these gaps reveals the uneven distribution of secondary advanced STEM opportunities across the United States. Findings highlight the need for targeted efforts to expand the availability of advanced STEM coursework, particularly in rural and town high schools.
