Countries have long advocated for gender equality, emphasising the importance of women’s representation in parliament. The prevalent belief that women can more effectively represent women’s concerns than men is subject to debate. Globally, women are underrepresented in all levels of socio-political hierarchies and are often distant from decision-making processes. These challenges persist in social, economic, and political structures, including parliamentary systems. This research specifically delves into the challenges faced by parliamentarians in addressing gender issues and women’s concerns in the CNA. The study was conducted at the Cameroon National Assembly (CNA) located in Yaoundé and focused on the members of parliament (MPs) who served during the 2013-2019 Parliamentary session, constituting a total population of 180 MPs. This research employed a qualitative methodology that encompassed both descriptive and explanatory elements. The researchers utilised convenience and purposive sampling techniques, leading to the participation of 5 female MPs and 4 male MPs in the study. According to Johnson (2006), it is noted that saturation typically manifests around 8 participants within a homogeneous group; hence, the intentional inclusion of 4 men and 5 women MPs aimed to achieve saturation and depth in the study. The primary method of data collection involved using semi-structured, open-ended interview guides and tape recordings to ensure comprehensive data acquisition from the respondents. The identities and real names of the respondents were deliberately omitted from the presentation of findings. The results revealed that gender issues are not effectively addressed in parliament. As a result, most policies enacted and projects undertaken by members of the CNA remain mostly gender neutral/blind, with gender issues often going unrecognised or being dismissed during sessions. Therefore, it is highly recommended to raise awareness among MPs in the CNA and build their capacity to be more gender sensitive and responsive in discussing topics during sessions and other parliamentary activities.
The quality of democracy is largely determined by the level and nature of citizens’ political participation. In Nigeria, however, democratic participation continues to face challenges linked to institutional weakness, electoral malpractice, insecurity, and elite dominance. This study examines patterns of political participation in the 2015, 2019 and 2023 presidential elections to evaluate voter turnout, electoral competitiveness, and citizens’ trust in the electoral process. Employing a comparative descriptive research design, the study drew on documentary and quantitative data from the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), national survey reports, and scholarly publications. Anchored on political participation and elite theories, the study explored how citizen engagement and elite control shape electoral behaviour and democratic outcomes. Findings reveal a consistent decline in voter turnout across the three election cycles, driven by widespread disillusionment, poor institutional credibility, and the perception that elections seldom influence governance outcomes. The study concludes that the sustainability of democracy in Nigeria depends on strengthening electoral integrity, deepening political accountability, and restoring citizens’ confidence in electoral institutions. It recommends comprehensive electoral reforms, inclusive political processes, and civic education as key strategies for enhancing political participation and consolidating democracy.
This paper delves into the absence of freedom in post-independent Zimbabwe, questioning prevailing notions of freedom. Motivated by recent social movements in Zimbabwe, it explores the realities of freedom in this context. The main research question is, “To what extent can the freedom of Zimbabweans in the post-independence era be assessed?” The study draws on Western and non-Western political philosophy and includes narrative interviews with Zimbabweans. While existing literature debates the nation’s freedom status, this study, grounded in pan-African perspectives, asserts that Zimbabwe, like other African nations, has yet to achieve genuine freedom despite the presence of freedom-enabling elements. The crux lies in the predominantly Western lens through which freedom is viewed. Western conceptions, insufficient in an African context, overlook key aspects of African culture—communality and economic freedom. The paper challenges the universal applicability of Western notions of freedom in Africa, positing that understanding freedom requires appreciating Zimbabwe's distinct cultural and economic paradigms. The article concludes that without a representative definition, freedom in Zimbabwe cannot be accurately assessed. To move towards true freedom, Zimbabwe and other African countries must decolonize the concept of freedom, focusing on reducing social and economic gaps to enhance communal and economic freedom.
The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) emerged as an ethno-nationalist political movement on February 18, 1975, initiating an armed struggle primarily based in Dedebit, North-western Tigray. The movement’s initial political program was rooted in pro-Albanian socialist theory and included the establishment of a Republic of Greater Tigray. However, shifts in the global geopolitical architecture, particularly the dissolution of the Cold War order, significantly altered the movement’s objectives and provided a strategic avenue for the seizure of central state power. Following a seventeen-year insurgency against the socialist military government known as the Derg. The predecessor was also a socialist military junta that deposed Ethiopia’s last Emperor, King Haile Selassie. The TPLF successfully overthrew the Derg junta in 1991. Subsequently, the TPLF founded the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), a coalition that established a system of ethnic and linguistic federalism structured around a multiparty framework organised along ethno-regional lines. For three decades, the TPLF served as the dominant force within the EPRDF coalition, consolidating control over the nation’s political, military, and economic institutions. This sustained period of institutional capture and its attendant narrow political agenda precipitated widespread mass protests beginning in 2015. This grassroots mobilisation ultimately resulted in a significant internal political transition within the EPRDF coalition in 2018, leading to the TPLF’s loss of control over the central executive authority. This study employs a rigorous qualitative, single-case study research design, framed within a critical postcolonial perspective. The primary objective is to undertake a systematic investigation into the confluence of postcolonial governance structures, tribal party politics, and ethnic-based federalism, examining their function as sources of conformity or contradiction and assessing their resultant impact on state stability and institutional resilience in Ethiopia. The article may be categorised as a historical trajectory and institutional analysis of ethno-federalism in Ethiopia.
This qualitative study seeks to critically examine whether South Africa can adopt a Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) that speaks against biphobia, transphobia, homophobia, sexism, inequality, and patriarchy. The authors argue that South Africa should consider adopting a feminist foreign policy that is gender inclusive of women, children, and gender non-conforming persons. Currently, South Africa does not describe its policy as feminist but rather as having women on the foreign policy agenda, i.e., women’s representation in parliament. We argue that the state has failed to oppose all forms of gender dominance and oppression. During the second Presidential Summit on Gender Based Violence and Femicide (GBVF) in November 2022, President Cyril Ramaphosa reiterated GBVF as the first pandemic in SA, as we continuously see the increase of rape and murders against women, children, and the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Intersex (LGBTI) community. This study, therefore, sought to critically unpack the possibility of a safe and inclusive South Africa for women, children and gender non-conforming persons through the adoption and implementation of a feminist foreign policy. The first country that implemented the feminist foreign policy was Sweden. The goal of Sweden’s policy implementation in 2014 was to address the country’s gender disparity issues, and as a result, they also sought to consider all gender perspectives in all policy creation and decision-making. The researchers reflect on Sweden’s foreign policy from a feminist perspective as possible lessons for South Africa and attempt to clarify South Africa’s position with regard to gender emancipation and whether this could serve as a platform to implement a feminist foreign policy.
