Given the emerging geopolitics and the rise of external powers like China in the Indian Ocean, assessing India's maritime diplomacy toward the small island countries in the region is crucial. This article uses a multi-method qualitative research design to analyze how India's approach to maritime security and to its strategic engagement with the Small Island States in the Indian Ocean has evolved over time. How the geostrategic environment influences and determines the key drivers of India's maritime strategy. To analyze this, the article is divided into two parts: the first examines how the historical narrative of an Indian Ocean strategy and discusses the Indian Navy's role in shaping India's foreign policy, setting the foundation for India's approach to the SICs. The second part focuses on how India adopted a "whole-of-government approach" to its maritime diplomacy, leveraging nonmilitary and civilian agencies to build ties with island nations in the Indian Ocean. The analysis focuses on India's relationships with four select countries: the Seychelles, the Maldives, Mauritius and Sri Lanka, illustrating the varied political, diplomatic, security, and developmental dimensions of these relations.
In recent years, Arctic climate change has not only affected the global environment but also enhanced the region's strategic and economic significance. Both China and India have shown growing interest in the Arctic. Following the Russia-Ukraine conflict, the region has witnessed an intensified trend of "re-securitization," disrupting its governance system. Against this backdrop, examining the roles of China and India in Arctic affairs and assessing their cooperation potential hold substantial theoretical and practical relevance. Drawing on structural and neoclassical realist theories, this study constructs an analytical framework centered on structural and situational factors. It argues that the complex geopolitical and institutional landscape of the Arctic imposes significant constraints on China-India cooperation. Nevertheless, the two states retain notable potential for collaboration in areas such as climate change research, environmental protection, and sustainable development-fields characterized by low costs, high long-term returns, and positive cognitive resonance. In contrast, cooperation in Arctic shipping and the blue economy entails higher costs, greater perceptual divergence, and a narrower scope for joint action. As bilateral relations gradually stabilize, cooperation in the relatively low-sensitivity domain of Arctic affairs could further bridge differences, rebuild trust, and help address the region's most pressing challenges.
This study aims to explore the dimensions of India's emerging maritime strategy through the interlinkages of its strategic hedging: Sagar (Security and Growth for All) in the Indo-Pacific and Sagar Mala (an internal balancing mechanism focused on domestic and hinterland port connectivity). While Sagar encompasses enhancements in Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA), bilateral agreements for military base access, and joint military exercises with strategic partners, Sagar Mala focuses on port modernization and hinterland connectivity. Analyzing India's efforts, this article foregrounds the underexplored dimension of civil-military fusion in India's maritime security strategy. The study is novel, as it uniquely conceptualizes the two Projects as "conjoined twins," whereas previous works treated them separately.
From "India Out" to "Welcome India," relations between the Maldives and India seem to have come full circle. The Muizzu administration is adopting a cautious approach, seeking concessions from New Delhi while simultaneously strengthening ties with Beijing. This article explores the depth of India-Maldives relations and evaluates the factors that have led to the diplomatic flip-flops between the two countries. While the Modi administration has made concerted efforts to enhance its engagement with the Maldives, it is still debatable whether India can match China's "chequebook diplomacy" and if the Maldives would eventually support India's broader foreign policy objectives and security concerns. Indeed, the larger concern for India is that the "Muizzu template" could now be well adopted by countries of South Asia and the Indian Ocean Region (IOR).
