Despite growing critical engagement with the African Solutions to African Problems (ASAP) doctrine, limited attention has been devoted to examining its philosophical and normative foundations. This article addresses this gap by offering a systematic critical analysis of ASAP, identifying and interrogating its core normative principles and underlying assumptions. Most importantly, the paper distinguishes between the doctrine’s empirical assumptions, descriptive claims regarding the causes of African conflicts, and its normative prescriptions, which dictate how and by whom these conflicts ought to be resolved. Drawing on textual and critical philosophical analysis, the article argues that the ASAP doctrine rests on both flawed normative principles and empirical assumptions about the causes of conflict in Africa and the morally appropriate pathways to resolution. These shortcomings ultimately undermine efforts to achieve just and durable peace outcomes in African conflicts. To empirically illustrate these problems, the article examines the recent Pretoria Peace Accord as a manifestation of conflict resolution guided by the ASAP doctrine. The article contends that the ASAP doctrine should not be celebrated as a guiding principle for conflict resolution on the continent. Instead, it advocates for alternative approaches that better capture the complexity of contemporary African conflicts and embed justice and accountability as essential components in peacebuilding and conflict-resolution efforts.
The paper examines the link between ‘Hegemonic Presidency’ and ‘economic outcomes’ using comparative case studies from South Korea under Park Chung Hee (1961-1979) and Uganda under Yoweri Museveni (1986-date). The study employed a qualitative comparative research design, which enabled a systematic comparison of the two cases. Critically reviewing relevant scholarships and analysing multiple datasets, the paper found that Park's policies emphasised structural change through industrialisation, export and state-directed investment; Museveni's policies were geared towards growth, stabilisation, and liberalisation. Unlike Uganda’s, South Korea's development experience brought about rapid industrialisation, increased productivity, and overall economic growth. This explains the different economic outcomes of a hegemonic presidential system practised in the two case studies. The study contributes to comparative political economy literature by showing how similar political structures can yield divergent economic outcomes depending on institutional quality and policy decisions. In sum, a hegemonic presidential system combined with able institutions, a meritocratic bureaucracy, disciplined implementation and a clear developmental agenda is more likely to produce positive economic outcomes.
Participatory Forest Management (PFM) is a central strategy for governing decentralised forests in Tanzania, although its effectiveness depends on complex institutional dynamics that influence governance outcomes. This paper uses a political economy perspective on natural resource governance (PENRG) to analyse institutional dynamics that influence the effectiveness of PFM in the Angai Villages Land Forest Reserve (AVLFR) in Tanzania. The paper draws from a qualitative case study design utilising evidence from 12 Focus Group Discussions (FGDs), 7 semi-structured interviews, and a documentary review. The findings reveal that while PFM in AVLFR has made some progress in enhancing local ownership and community participation, its economic benefits have not been fully realised due to limited capacity among local communities, elite capture, and reliance on external actors. Therefore, the article recommends strengthening local governance structures, increasing community awareness of their rights, and redesigning community engagement strategies to achieve more equitable and sustainable forest management outcomes.
In recent decades, the concept of human security has attracted increasing attention from scholars and practitioners. While there is broad agreement on its normative goals, such as the protection and empowerment of individuals, significant disagreements persist regarding the social realities it addresses, its conceptual evolution, and the conditions under which it becomes institutionalised. Drawing on a literature review, this article examines the multiple meanings attributed to the concept of human security and its evolution in Tanzania’s policy domains. It argues that, while human security gained international recognition in the 1990s, it resonates strongly with Tanzania’s historical and policy experiences.
Globally, terrorism has constituted a threat to human rights in different dimensions. Mali is no exception, and women have become more vulnerable to this threat. Drawing from desktop research and feminist security theory as its explanatory framework, this article argues that terrorism in Mali exacerbates women's vulnerabilities, limiting their access to fundamental rights and services. Under siege of terrorism, women are reportedly subjected to sexual assault, enslaved and used as instruments of suicide bombing and weapons of war. Equally, terrorism has affected fundamental comforts of life such as access to good health care, education, and employment opportunities, thus subjecting women to the violent extremist Islamic ideologies perpetuated by the terrorist groups. From the unfolding, the article concludes that failure in combating terrorism risks sustained infringement on women’s rights. It recommends gender-based counter-terrorism strategies in addition to enhancing ongoing government efforts to combat terrorism in the country.
