When and under what conditions do adversarial conventional arms control (CAC) and conflict termination agreements in Europe include explicit military use-of-force enforcement mechanisms? Treaties rarely feature clear, formal enforcement mechanisms as states typi- cally prefer flexibility in how agreements are enforced — especially if they themselves could be subject to the enforcement. However, some agreements incorporate language that permits the use of force in the event of non-compliance. This provides a casus belli should a state or coalition need to take military action against an agreement violator. This article hypothesized that an overwhelming victory/defeat is a necessary, but not sufficient, condition to include agreement enforcement mechanisms based on a combination of states’ rational choice considerations including bargaining, lack of trust, and security prioritization. The analysis of 46 agreements related to Europe from 1918 to the present, conducted through qualitative content analysis and case comparison methods, largely supports the hypothesis. Ten agreements support the hypothesis while four do not.
Since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Serbia has become a key destination for Russian migrants seeking mobility, relative safety, and cultural familiarity. Drawing on oral-history interviews, expert conversations, fieldwork in Belgrade and Novi Sad, and observation of Russian-language online communities, this article argues that Serbia's strategic ambiguity - its sustained positioning between Russia and the West - structures the core conditions of migrant life. In this ambiguous host regime, migrants encounter visa-free entry and social warmth but face unclear pathways to long-term incorporation, shifting public sentiment, and deliberately mixed political cues. These conditions generate suspended migration trajectories and uneven processes of diasporisation marked by parallel infrastructures, fragmented networks, and calibrated political quietism. Rather than consolidating into a cohesive diaspora, Russian migrants in Serbia form a provisional, internally differentiated assemblage whose practices reflect the indeterminacy of the host state and reveal how geopolitical liminality shapes migration and reversible forms of diasporic life.
This article examines how three successive Serbian presidents - Boris Tadić, Tomislav Nikolić, and Aleksandar Vučić - have employed memory diplomacy by mobilising shared collective memories of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in Serbia's relations with Indonesia. The central question is why this Cold War-era narrative persists across administrations with differing political orientations, despite significant global changes since the collapse of Yugoslavia. The analysis is guided by two theoretical frameworks: theories of collective memory and discursive and historical institutionalism, which are used to study path dependence. Analysis of 11 official documents from 2008 to 2024 indicates that, although each president adopted distinct communicative strategies, all consistently referenced historical friendship with Indonesia. Notably, the article finds that Yugoslav president Josip Broz Tito and Indonesian president Sukarno, the principal figures associated with this shared history, are rarely mentioned by name. Instead, Serbian leaders use abstract concepts such as brotherhood and anti-imperialism, allowing them to harness the emotional resonance of history while avoiding domestic political controversy. The article concludes that Serbia invokes this historical memory not out of sentimentality, but as a calculated strategy to dissuade Indonesia from recognising Kosovo's independence.
This article investigates the presence and role of Darwinian ideas in the classical realism of Hans J. Morgenthau. While it is not uncommon for classical realists to ground their theories in a biologically-informed view of human nature, the specific influence of Darwinian scientific and social Darwinist thought remains underexplored. This article argues that key components of Morgenthau's theory - particularly his views on human nature, power, and survival - bear conceptual affinities with Darwinian ideas and principles. The article does not claim that Morgenthau's theory is wholly derived from Darwinism, nor that all classical realists share these intellectual roots. Instead, it demonstrates how principles and ideas derived from Darwinism specifically enforce Morgenthau's theory and why this matters for our understanding of classical realism.
