Abstract This article presents a contrastive corpus-based analysis of the English construction [ once a N 1 , always a N 1 ] and its German counterpart [ einmal N 1 , immer N 1 ]. Drawing on Cognitive Construction Grammar, it argues that both patterns can be analyzed both as reduplicative constructional idioms and as snowclones. The study is based on data from the enTenTen18 and deTenTen23 corpora available through Sketch Engine. Its main aims are to assess the productivity of the two constructions and to compare their syntagmatic profiles.
Abstract Despite their unergative status, the Spanish verbs that express physiological processes are said to enter two transitive structures in which they are complemented by a direct object that is either the actor ( Golpearon con sus puños hasta sangrarlos sobre la puerta ‘They punched with their fists until they bled on the door’) or the product ( Murió vomitando sangre ‘He died vomiting blood’) involved in the process described in the sentence. The English-Spanish contrastive, corpus-based analysis, carried out on 10 Spanish physiological verbs, which underlies the present piece of research, reveals, however, that their transitivity potential is higher than originally expected, due to their participation in four other transitive structures different from the two ones previously illustrated. This finding suggests, furthermore, a clear crosslinguistic relationship between Talmy’s ( 1985 , 2000 ) well-known linguistic typologies, since three of these patterns are prototypical constructions of satellite-framed languages; namely, resultatives ( José Luis había sudado hasta la sobriedad ‘José Luis had sweated until he was sober’), reaction object constructions ( Cuatro hombres sudan despiertos su deseperanza ‘ Four men lie awake, sweating out their despair’), and the Spanish equivalent of the English Away construction ( Ahí seguirá Antonio, roncando la borrachera en el sofa ‘ There Antonio will still be, snoring off his drunkenness on the couch’).
Abstract The paper investigates the [Subj experiencer V copula Adj metaphorical PP stimulus ] intensification construction in German, French, and Italian within the framework of Construction Grammar. Based on extensive corpus data from the TenTen family (deTenTen23, itTenTen20, frTenTen23), the study analyzes the syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic dimensions of copula patterns such as Germ. verrückt nach etwas sein ‘to be crazy about something’, Fr. être fou/folle de , and It. essere pazzo/a di/per . These copula constructions pair a metaphorical adjective with a prepositional phrase and convey heightened emotional or cognitive involvement, functioning as conventionalized linguistic means of expressing intensification. The German data suggest a tendency toward lexical specialization: verrückt nach for colloquial enthusiasm, besessen von for compulsive or pathological involvement. French and Italian appear to rely more heavily on semantically flexible lexical items: a single adjective (Fr. fou/folle , It. pazzo/a ) covers a broad emotional spectrum, with secondary terms (Fr. obsédé/e , It. ossessionato/a ) marking pathological extremes. Within this broader pattern, Italian relies more systematically on morphosyntactic differentiation, especially through the contrast between the prepositions di and per . By contrast, French shows a higher degree of entrenchment and conventionalization within a semantically flexible constructional schema. The corpus data also reveal different collocation and pragmatic preferences in the three languages: German patterns favor hobbies and interpersonal contexts, Italian frequently distinguishes internal (emotive) from external (object-oriented) stimuli , and French data reveal a preference for affective nouns such as joie , rage , and amour . Overall, the data are more consistent with a constructional view of intensification as distributed across lexical, grammatical, and pragmatic layers. They also suggest cross-linguistic differences in how languages encode and scale emotional intensification, revealing language-specific configurations in the linguistic expression of intensification.
Abstract This article examines pseudo-tautological constructions of the type [X COPULA X] (e.g., War is war , A deal is a deal , Kids are Kids , Boys will be boys ) from a constructional and cross-linguistic perspective. Drawing on semantic, logical, and rhetorical definitions of tautology, it argues that such expressions are not semantically redundant but convey conventionalized pragmatic meanings which typically trigger implicatures such as inevitability, normativity, or evaluative stance. Adopting a usage-based Construction Grammar framework, the study treats pseudo-tautologies as schematic idioms that are idiosyncratic in terms of both form and meaning. Methodologically, the analysis combines theoretical discussion with a corpus-based investigation spanning four languages: German, English, French and Italian. Based on large web corpora, five structural subtypes are identified and classified according to formal and semantic-pragmatic criteria. Particular attention is paid to typological variation, especially the role of determiners and the availability of bare nouns, which significantly constrain the distribution and productivity of the construction across languages.
Abstract The aim of the present article is to contribute to the understanding of the process of pragmaticalization. We analyze discourse markers of the after all type in Russian, English, German, Swedish, and Italian. Previous research has shown that temporal adverbials may develop discursive meanings such as concessive and justificatory functions. The present study examines their potential to acquire an additional pragmatic value. Specifically, these markers may not only introduce the result of a line of reasoning, but also express the speaker’s evaluation of that result as the most relevant or optimal one. We refer to this development as the relevance-oriented function. Drawing on parallel corpora and language-specific corpora, we investigate the extent to which this pragmaticalization process is attested across languages. The analysis shows that while English, German, Russian, and Italian display relatively advanced stages of discourse-marker use, Swedish exhibits a more conservative pattern. More generally, the cross-linguistic comparison suggests that the universal aspect of this process lies not in uniform outcomes, but in the direction of change itself.
