This article explores the character of the Sethians as they appear in the fourth-/tenth-century Arabic Filaha al-Nabatyya (Nabatean agriculture). In the Filaha al-Nabatyya, the Sethians (Banff A & scaron;fftfaf) emerge as the adversaries of the main, largely fictionalized, Nabatean narrators of the work. Much like the work's provenance, the identity of the Sethians has remained shrouded in mystery and the subject of much scholarly debate. This article analyzes the descriptions of this group in the text, and compares their characteristics to other late antique and early Islamic sects who similarly revered Seth, as well as geographically associated groups such as the Safbians in southern Iraq. The article argues that the Sethians discussed in the Nabatean agriculture could allude to a historical ancestor of the non-Mandaean Safbians who continued to live in this region in the classical Islamic period. The Nabatean Sethians provide further insight, even if they prove fictional, into early Islamic ideas about pagan sects in southern Iraq.
Occasional Fat.imid attempts to gain a foothold in Umayyad Iberia were typically accompanied by fierce polemical exchanges from both sides.Vocal opposition emanating from al-Andalus and Umayyad interference in North African affairs precluded any but the most minimal transmission of ideas or texts. Moreover, esoteric doctrinal writings by agents of the Ismaili da`wa were subjected to a rule of secrecy. Ismailis were sworn never to reveal anything in their writings. Opponents in the Fat.imid era knew little of it and most denunciations of the Ismailis were based instead on generic polemical falsehoods. In addition, although fourth-/tenth-century Ismaili thought became dependent on a form of Neoplatonism, there are serious questions as to what degree it was accepted in the Maghrib. There is also an issue of whether it promotes any kind of mysticism rather than a narrower doctrine of intellect that tends to reject most forms of supra-rational perception.
In the fourth/tenth century, if a novice had wanted to approach the theoretical fundamentals of music, he would have been disappointed by studying the Brethren of Purity's epistle On Music. A major objective of the present article is to provide some basis for reassessing the Brethren's views on the art of music in the epistle that is purposely devoted to it. According to the Brethren, who faithfully follow the Greek definition of this art as a propaedeutic science, the subject of the epistle is to present music as the most perfect model (mithal) to represent the art of harmony. For this reason, the epistle does not discuss specific music theoretical elements, but rather it aims to identify the methods (referred to as modalities or kayfiyya) through which the concept of harmony can be understood and reproduced by men. Additionally, it explores how the idea of divine harmony is expressed through mathematical principles, which are the foundation for both divine music and its human counterpart, the art of music. This reconsideration enables us to better appreciate the Brethren of Purity's attempt to reconceptualize the important distinction between the two dimensions of "harmony" and "music," the divine and the human, and, consequently, resolve some incon sistencies in the Greek literature on the subject. The present contribution highlights the intimate connection between Epistle 5 (On Music) and Epistle 6 (On Proportions) that deals with what we could today approximately refer to as rational numbers. Together they represent two aspects of the same propaedeutic art of harmony. The former is based on the qualitative aspects, the latter on the quantitative dimension.
In the development of Islamic practices of summoning and controlling intermediary beings, the mandal features as part of a broader repertoire of rituals and diagrams designed to control unseen forces. As a term of art, this multivalent category is connected etymologically to the Sanskrit mandala, for a circle or catchment, itself often used in Tantric esoteric rituals. This article traces the history of the mandal as it first emerged in the science of incantations (ilm al-aza'im), by drawing parallels with earlier practices of encirclement, as well as by following later developments and adaptations. In doing so, it also addresses the various manners in which incantations and the rituals surrounding them came to be understood in distinctly Islamic terms, rooted in ancient prophetic techniques for communing with otherworldly powers.
The time of the Umayyad caliphate of Cordoba (early fourth/tenth century to early fifth/eleventh century) represents a crucial phase in the creation of the scientific and philosophical culture of al-Andalus. At the beginning of the fourth/tenth century, the economic and political situation of the Umayyad regime was weak and the rulers were largely unable to sponsor the arts and sciences. Due to the general instability of the time, the rulers needed the support of the religious scholars, and so the disciplines that most of these scholars rejected (namely astrology, philosophy, and rational theology) were banned from the court. The ascent of Abd alRahman III (r. 300-50/912-61), who proclaimed the caliphate in 316/929, signified a new beginning for scientific and intellectual activity, which flourished until the end of the period, most particularly during the caliphate of al-Hakam II (350-66/961-76).There was intense activity in disciplines that appeared particularly controversial in the eyes of religious scholars, like astrology, magic, and alchemy. These and other disciplines made their mark in learned society and at the court. This article explores the political and intellectual considerations underlying this process and analyzes the extent of the practice of controversial disciplines in the context of the period, paying particular attention to the role played by Maslama b. Qasim and Maslama al-Majr & imath;ti.
This article offers a mathematical analysis of some of the architectural features of the Sal & oacute;n Rico (Hall of Richness) of Madinat al-Zahra' (Radiant City in the outskirts of C & oacute;rdoba), with a specific focus on the design and proportionality of the horseshoe arch. This line of inquiry is guided by the mathematical knowledge of that epoch in the Islamicate milieu of the fourth/tenth century, particularly as embodied in the studies on arithmetic, geometry, and proportional ratios in the Rasail Ikhwan al-S.afa (Epistles of the Brethren of Purity); it also considers the construction techniques in that context and its associated arts and crafts.
This chapter discusses the status of alchemy as an esoteric science, oscillating between 'exoteric' and 'esoteric' and between the not quite synonymous Arabic zahir (outer or apparent meaning) and bat.in (inner or hidden meaning). Taking the works of the sixth-/twelfth-century Moroccan alchemist Ibn Arfa Rays as a case study, I discuss what elements in Ibn Arfa Rays's work may be interpreted as hints that he conceived of alchemy as an esoteric science. At the center of the contribution is a reading of Ibn Arfa Rays's commentary Hall mushkilat Shudhur al-dhahab (The unraveling of the difficulties of the "Splinters") which already, in its title, promises a clarification and might therefore be considered an 'exoteric' work. While alchemy with its stress on secrecy seems to be an upfront candidate for consideration as an esoteric science, the Arabic terminology zahir and bat.in is largely absent from most alchemical writings. Rather, alchemists in general, and Ibn Arfa Rays in particular, seem to play a game of hide and seek in which seemingly esoteric works become far more widespread than their exoteric counterparts.
The debate over the possibility of the transmutation of matter involves profoundly divergent visions of the world, of man, and of God. The comparison attempted here between the conceptions of Jabir b. H.ayyan and Ibn Arabi illustrates quite distinct ideas. According to Jabir, no being on earth has a fixed essence: all creation is subject to transmutation. A man's effort to acquire the science of these transmutations is itself transformative, elevating souls mired in ignorance. This is why, for Jabir, alchemy is the philosophy par excellence; this is why he believed it would pave the way for a new humanity, at the coming of the Mahdi. According to Ibn Arabi, the expansion of consciousness does take place; it is described in terms of the Sufi spiritual path, but it is the effect of divine grace with the saint (wali). Material alchemy is known and recognized, but its role remains discrete, because for him the essences of things are immutable in God. The renewal of humanity is also conceived by Ibn Arabi, but it is the work of God's self-realization.
The fragments retrieved from the Genizah of the Ben Ezra Synagogue in Cairo represent a treasure trove of sources on medieval Judaism and the medieval Mediterranean world at large. A survey of the fragments reveals the circulation of batini texts and ideas in the Genizah: book lists preserve mentions of the Epistles of the Brethren of Purity, which are also found in a handful of partial copies in both Arabic and the Judeo-Arabic language. These fragments, together with two alchemical manuscripts that preserve several titles of the works of Jabir b. Hayyan, are discussed in this article as evidence of the circulation of batini ideas among the Jews of medieval Cairo. An edition of a partial Judeo-Arabic version of the natural philosophical epistles of the Brethren of Purity is presented in the appendix.
In line with M. Ebstein's considerations in his book Mysticism and Philosophy in al-Andalus: Ibn Masarra, Ibn al-`Arabi and the Isma`ili Tradition, my article considers a few lines from al-Bat.alyawsi's Kitab al-h.ada'iq that are strongly influenced by two passages from the Rasa'il Ikhwan al-S.afa'. Al-Bat.alyawsi substantially differs in his general approach from the Ikhwan, despite his literal borrowing from their texts. His aims seem to follow their own goal, far from the possible Isma`ili reading of the Epistles, legitimized in particular by some cosmological descriptions in al-Risala al-jami`a. The Jami`a emphasizes, in fact, terms and themes close to Isma`ili cosmological representations (such as the concepts of amr, divine imperative; or ibda`, immediate origination). An Isma`ili approach can also be recognized in conceptions similar to those of the Ikhwan's passages found, for example, in the Isma`ili da`i Abu Ya`qub al-Sijistani or in an addition to Epistle 50 that I have recently discovered and edited. On the one hand, al-Bat.alyawsi's elaboration of the Ikhwan's sources can be better understood through their rather different version in al-Risala al-jami`a that, contrary to the widespread framework of neo-Platonic origin often recurring in the Ikhwan al-S.afa', combines the "Isma`ili" cosmological representations with the idea of "emanation." On the other hand, while one cannot deny the similarities between the aforementioned Isma`ili texts and the Ikhwan's encyclopedia, the contacts scholars claim to have existed between the Ikhwan and Andalusi thinkers do not automatically imply an Isma`ili reading of them in al-Andalus.
The aim of this article is, first, to investigate the textual nature of the Fihrist that precedes the epistles of the Rasail Ikhwan al-Safa, and thereby its relation to the rest of the work. Second, the article addresses the relation of al-Risala al-jamia to the Fihrist. The Fihrist consists of two main parts: (1) a table of contents that summarizes each of the epistles and (2) a final section. The four sections of this article address (1) the Fihrist's position in the Rasail in general; (2) the manuscript variants of the epistle summaries; (3) the final section of the Fihrist; and (4) the relation between theJamia and the Fihrist. Although most manuscripts contain the Fihrist, the absence of genuine references from the Rasail to the Fihrist indicate that it was either composed as the final part of the Rasail or postdates the Rasail. The manuscripts contain three main variants for both the table of contents section and the final section of the Fihrist. Their distribution in manuscripts is different, which suggests that the transmission of the two sections was separate. In the case of both sections, the editors employ a method of expansion: the text of the previous variant is retained while new text is inserted between words and phrases. For the final section, later variants also add novel blocks of content, in particular an allegorical garden story. The relation of the Jamia to the Fihrist is similar: the beginning of each epistle entry in the Jamia expands on the third variant of the Fihrist. For many epistles, this constitutes the complete entry in the Jamia; for others, the Fihrist section is followed by an independent commentary. In consequence, large sections of the Jamia depend textually on the the Fihrist. This supports the view that the Jamia postdates the Rasail.
After the short version (52a), published in 2011, the critical edition of two other versions (52b and 52c) of the Epistle of Magic ascribed to the Ikhwan al-Safa' is to come out soon as part of the Epistles of the Brethren of Purity series at Oxford University Press in association with the Institute of Ismaili Studies. Although it occupies the last position in the corpus and has sometimes been presented as the conclusion of the work as a whole, there are various reasons to assume that this epistle on magic was not part of the original plan of the Brethren and that therefore none of these three mutually exclusive versions should be regarded as integral to the Ikhwanian encyclopaedia. This is concerned with one particular section of the 52b version-a version whose heterogeneity of content and intricate manuscript tradition are particularly notable. In this section, found in many authoritative manuscripts but lacking in others and not part of the Beirut edition, the author discusses the power of imagination (wahm) and the use that physicians from Greece and from India made of it to help curing some illnesses, generally by means of spells attached to parts of the body. We argue that this section is, if not the Arabic original itself, an early testimony in the tradition of the De Physicis Ligaturis, a work written by the Christian physician Qusta b. Luqa (d. 912) and which was thus far only known through its Latin translation, presumably by Constantine the African (d. 1087).
Historiography has long considered rumor as the popular side of propaganda validated by the authority. But thanks to recent studies, rumor has changed side and has been recognized for a plasticity suitable for strengthening the arsenal of tools manipulated just as much by the power in place. In this article, and on the basis of English, French and Burgundian cases from the end of the Middle Ages, I analyze not only the mechanisms of rumor ( its favorite themes, its means of dissemination, its sources of credibility and plausibility), but also its relation to time. By trying to understand the reasons for its infinite repetition, I introduce the notion of 'differential history' allowing us to grasp the presents of an era and the importance of subjective perception as a driving force behind the cyclical nature of rumor, constantly revived over time, according to the expectations specific to each individual.
Raoul Glaber's historical narration begins from orality and proximity. The word of man is compared with the word of God and reveals its nature: testimony of truth or, on the contrary, rumor, lie, slander. Human instincts and feelings distort the perception of reality, which can only be correctly interpreted through the use of reason. Raoul Glaber thus reveals himself to be a rationalist, because for him reason is the most powerful means, if not the only one, to understand the word of God in Sacred Scripture and to interpret divine manifestations in history. Even prophetic visions are removed from the field of the prodigious and become tools for the interpretation of reality. As a consequence of the rationalization of the earthly events and appearances and of their figural interpretation in accordance with divine revelation, history acquires a theological value: it becomes the continuation and completion of Sacred Scripture, the key to understanding the world and the destiny of man on his path of salvation.
The examination of three sermons dedicated to Mary mother of Jesus and delivered in Paris between February 2, 1268 and April 6, 1268, shows how Bonaventure elaborates - in the course of these works - the icon of the Pieta: the body of Jesus dead exhibited by his mother in perfect solitude. The icon corresponds to what could be called an apocryphal tale (having no correspondence in the accounts of the passion found in the New Testament), but also it corresponds to the image of god that is emerging at the end of the XIII century. The references to anonymous hymnography (with expressions such as quidam dixit or dicitur) show how Bonaventure in the elaboration of the figure of the Pieta also refers to what can be considered a diceria, in a salvific historical time in which he believes he can give truth value to the vox populi (as shown by some references in the Collationes in Hexaemeron).
Diabolical and sectarian witchcraft, as documented from the fifteenth century onwards, is an imaginary crime largely based on the spoken word. Public rumour (vox et fama publica), recorded in court through witnesses, and denunciation actually create the crime. The crime of witchcraft, even more radically than that of heresy, imprisoned suspects and defendants in the dramatic mechanics of diffamatio, from the moment it was given evidential value. How an individual defamed of witchcraft could react? The richness of Western Switzerland's documentation makes possible to explore the issue of fama from several angles. The focus here will be on four means of defence or resistance of individuals confronted to the defamation of witchcraft: the purgatory oath, the use of a lawyer, the filing of a complaint for insult, and the rule of the three concordant trials. A second part, based on a case study, will highlight political reactions to the witch-hunt, particularly with regard to abusive denunciations, in order to control, if not limit, the repression. Urban communites and authorities like the Etats de Vaud relied on the Carmelite preacher Humbert de Costa, author of a still unknown treatise against the reality of the crime of witchcraft, in an attempt to hinder the Dominican Inquisition.
In the first section of this article some proverbs concerning the rumor are studied. They are vox populi vox Dei, rumor acquiring new elements by spreading, speed of the rumor, rumor producing deleterious effects. In the second section some proverbs that derive from rumors are studied. The first is concerning the famous king Midas. Some proverbs concern populations, others animals. Finally, some derive from famous phrases attributed to historical figures.
My paper examines the notion of 'dicit/ dicitur' in Thirteenth- century Latin encyclopedias, with special reference to the work De proprietatibus rerum written by Bartholomew the Englishman around 1230- 1240. In this paper, such notion is examined by establishing a ' typology' of the reference to sources used by Bartholomew, and by analyzing the role played by 'Mittlerquellen' ('filter-sources') in the construction of a certified knowledge and in the communication of an information characterized by a consensus. Furthermore, the paper examines the role of the auctoritates in the treatment of branches of knowledge characterized by their fluid nature, and by their representation in form of summae, as well as in the representation of disciplines where the circulation of information occurs through oral and ' internal' communication among experts or communities of experts.
In the fourth book of the Aeneis, Vergil draws an astonishing portrait of the goddess Fama, who is about to make Dido's misconduct public, in the form of a gigantic winged monster, provided with thousands of eyes and mouths. One could expect such an impressive creation to meet great success with the writers of the Middle Ages, given the place that Virgil's work held then in school programs. In reality, this is not the case: some elements of the Virgilian phraseology (Fama malum, Fama volat pernicibus alis, monstrum horrendum,.) are regularly reused so to appear as pure cliches. But the substantial reality of the monster has faded. The article tries to identify the reasons: use of a less ambiguous and more religiously connoted vocabulary, confusion with other more popular allegories, such as that of Fortuna, obliteration of the meaning of << rumour >> in favor of that of << renown >>. It was not until the end of the Middle Ages and the appearance of a << court society >> that the character was to rise from the ashes.
In Latin literature ( as well as in its Greek models), the poet's speech is represented ambivalently: as the result of both invention and tradition, what the poet says is both a lie and an authoritative word. Plautus had already highlighted this ambiguity of the poetic speech, but this duplicity becomes evident when Latin poets, through the so-called Alexandrian footnote, claim to repeat the song of other poets. Catullus, in his carmina docta, employs the Alexandrian footnote as a display of doctrine (c. 68), or to signal his personal innovations (c. 64), or for parodic purposes (c. 67). In Lucretius' poetry the relationship between the poet's voice and truth becomes a key issue of his didactic poem and the reference to the fama in some cases aims to stigmatize the lies of myth, in others to asseverate historical and scientific content. As for Virgil, he proves to be influenced as much by Catullus as by Lucretius. Christian poets (Paulinus and Licentius are considered here) renew the function of this stylistic device, either by transforming (i.e. Christianizing) the very nature of the fama they refer to, or by interpretating the myth through allegory. In Augustine,Virgil's speech helps to asseverate the refutation of his opponent Faustus.
