Abstract This study explores the reception of French Symbolism in China and the Qiao-Yi 僑易 phenomenon from 1919 to 1937. Centering on Baudelaire, Verlaine, Rimbaud, and Mallarmé, the study examines how their works underwent “translation” (qiao 僑) and “transformation” (yi 易) in China. By analyzing Republican-era journal publications and comparing findings with the practices of Chinese poets such as Dai Wangshu 戴望舒 (1905–1950), Wen Yiduo 聞一多 (1899–1946), and Bian Zhilin 卞之琳 (1910–2000), the study reveals that within the framework of Symbolism, Baudelaire and Verlaine emerged as a group more readily accepted, retaining relatively intact original characteristics, while Rimbaud and Mallarmé formed another group whose essence was significantly stripped, with fewer echoes in Chinese poetry. From the perspective of the dissemination of French Symbolism, its localization was not merely a unidirectional process of reception but a Qiao-Yi phenomenon—an interplay whereby heterogeneous cultures modified or compromised themselves to align with China's cultural transformations at the time. From the angle of Chinese poetry's development, the Qiao-Yi dynamic of French Symbolism reflects how Chinese modern poetry, while superficially rejecting tradition, deeply internalized traditional aesthetics to refashion foreign elements. This underscores the suppressed yet resilient literary self-awareness of Chinese aesthetic traditions when confronting Western modernity.
As inspector-general of the Imperial Maritime Customs, Robert Hart (1835-1911) was argu ably the most powerful foreigner in late Qing China. This article discusses a rare Chinese work that he authored entitled A Bystander's Three Views (Pangguan san lun (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)). It contained his three memoranda on China's "self-strengthening" written at different times over a period of several decades. His first memorandum, "A Bystander's View," was submitted to the Zongli Yamen ("Foreign Office") in 1865 and later included in the Qing collection of documents on foreign contact, A CompleteAccount of the Management of Barbarian Affairs (Chouban yiwu shimo(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)). Not as well-known is that he eventually composed and presumably submitted two more "bystander's views," in 1884 and 1898, respectively, and that shortly after his third submission, he had all three jointly published in book form. This article aims briefly to introduce this work as a testimony to Hart's persistent hope, as a self-styled "bystander," for China's transformation by adopting Western practices.
Taming ((sic)(sic), st & umacr;pa inscriptions) in Tang China became a salient source for confirming the Buddhist identity of clerics and verifying laypeople's connection with Buddhism. During the Tang dynasty, the establishment of Buddhist lineages underwent significant development. St & umacr;pa inscriptions provide the possibility of discerning the formulation of Buddhist lineages prior to the compilation of the lamp transmission record and Buddhist biographies. Early st & umacr;pa inscriptions contain fragmented references to Buddhist lineages, including elements like Buddhist titles, monastery names, and posthumous honors. Starting from the mid-eighth century, st & umacr;pa inscriptions began to provide more detailed accounts of master-disciple successions and clearly defined patriarchal lineages. With its meticulous investigation into the widespread popularity of st & umacr;pa inscriptions in Tang China, this article aims to examine st & umacr;pa inscriptions as a unique literary form by understanding them within their larger historical, religious, and social milieu.
This article examines the enduring legacy of Guan Zhong's actions in early seventeenth-century Korea, particularly within a deeply fractured political landscape shaped by a series of crises from King Kwanghaegun's forced deposition in 1623 to King Injo's surrender to the Manchus in 1637. In the Analects, Confucius offered both praise and criticism of Guan Zhong(sic)(', while in the Mencius, Mencius dismissed him as unworthy of emulation. These early assessments continued to resonate among later scholars and officials, who turned to historical precedent to inform their own moral and political judgments. In Choson Korea, such interpretations shaped debates on loyalty, moral discretion, and political responsibility, as reflected in the contrasting invocations of Guan Zhong by Liu Hai (sic)j (Aita Ufa), Kim Sanghon (sic)(sic)(sic), and Ch'oe Myonggil(sic)(sic)(sic).By analyzing their divergent readings of Guan Zhong, this study shows how his legacy was mobilized to renegotiate moral frameworks governing the Choson state, the king, and his officials, revealing a dynamic tension between principled conviction and moral discretion in times of national crisis in early seventeenth-century Korea.
