Despite the central role of fire in Pleistocene and Palaeolithic lifeways, the relationship among hominins, fire, and their environment remains unclear. Ancient combustion residues hold a wealth of molecular data that may help to resolve some of these questions, yet standardised guidelines for reconstructing past fire traces are notably lacking. In this study, we examine extensive combustion residues overlying Middle Palaeolithic deposits from the open-air site of Ormesson (France). To determine whether the combustion residues are of natural or human origin, multiproxy approaches including anthracology, lipid biomarker, and benzene polycarboxylic acid (BPCA) analyses are applied. These techniques are used to characterise organic matter and pyrogenic carbon compositions in the deposits, providing insights into surrounding vegetation, palaeoenvironmental shifts, and the production parameters involved in the formation of the char assemblage. Lipid biomarker evidence suggests that the pre-fire local environment featured abundant coniferous vegetation (e.g., Pinaceae taxa), which is supported by anthracological evidence for a predominance of Pinus cf. sylvestris/nigra complemented by Betula sp. taxa. The post-fire environment saw a contraction of coniferous vegetation, concurrent with an expansion of deciduous taxa, grasses and herbaceous material. The combustion event, which resulted in 67 % of the charcoal assemblage exhibiting vitrification, produced PyC contents of up to 362 g/kg OC in soil samples and 443 g/kg OC in charcoal samples, with aromatic condensation values of up to 34 %. BPCA-derived predictions of heat treatment temperatures yielded values of approximately 300-400 degrees C for charcoal samples and 400-550 degrees C for soil samples in the burned layer, constituting the first instance in which quantitative temperature estimations are obtained from BPCA results. Based on the integrated evidence, we accept the null hypothesis that the studied combustion residues are natural in origin. However, the similarity of archaeometric and geochemical signatures from natural and human-controlled fires underscores the need for interdisciplinary, multiproxy efforts to improve the identification of past fire regimes.

Excavations at S & lstrok;aw & eogon;cinek in central Poland, have yielded evidence for the Neolithic Funnel Beaker Culture, concurrent with a sweeping set of changes that occurred across much of Europe in the mid-fourth millennium BC. A set of vessels containing collared flasks, ceramic glasses and a beaker were found, demonstrating that libations of lactose-reduced dairy beverages were performed between 3500-3350 BC. One of the vessels, a funnel beaker, features iconography that may represent one of the earliest known examples of wheeled transport in the world. The evidence also raises the possibility of the emergence of women's secret societies in Neolithic Europe.

Diet and material culture are interlinked, and examination of organic residues in ceramic vessels permits the simultaneous study of both; exemplified here in the analysis of early-medieval pottery from England and Denmark for biomarkers indicative of fish processing, a possible dietary indicator of Scandinavian migration during the Viking Age (c. AD 793-1066). While almost a quarter of sampled Danish pots were used to cook fish, diagnostic aquatic markers were securely identified in only 13 of 298 English vessels. Geographic homogeneity and temporal persistence in processing terrestrial animal fats instead suggest that Scandinavian settlers pragmatically conformed to Anglo-Saxon culinary traditions.

The formation of ketones in archaeological contexts is often associated with the heating of animal fats within a ceramic vessel, resulting in ketonic decarboxylation. It is specifically assumed that the long-chain ketones K31 and K35 reflect the original distribution of C16:0 and C18:0 fatty acids within an archaeological sample, allowing reconstructing past vessel content. In our study, we demonstrate that the interpretation of ketones using a sole lipid biomarker approach needs to be considered with caution. However, by applying compound specific isotope analysis combined with Bayesian modelling to ketones, a secure lipid source can be identified. We also show that our methodology encompasses the possibility to securely identify secondary vessel use via the detection of different phases of use within a ceramic pot. Furthermore, our heating experiments demonstrate that the palmitic (C16:0)/stearic acid (C18:0) (P/S) ratio of archaeological samples is not a reliable tool to reconstruct past vessel content, neither from fatty acids nor from acyl chain composition of the ketones if samples were exposed to heat.

Carbonised food deposits preserved in pottery vessels, often termed 'foodcrusts,' are frequently encountered on hunter-gatherer-fisher (HGF) pottery throughout Northern and Eastern Europe. While lipid residue analysis is frequently employed to determine their composition, this technique favours the identification of animal products. In this study, we present a combined analytical approach, including high resolution microscopic analysis (Digital Microscopy and Scanning Electron Microscopy) together with molecular and isotopic analysis of lipids (GC-MS and GC-C-IRMS) and bulk isotope analysis (EA-IRMS) to further understand the composition of foodcrusts. Eighty-five pottery vessels with foodcrusts were analysed from 13 archaeological sites dating from the 6th to the 3rd millennium BC, of which 58 have allowed for identification of plant tissues, such as wild grasses and legumes, fruits, and the roots, tubers, leaves and stems of herbaceous plants. The results demonstrate that the choice of plant foods was remarkably selective, with hunter-gatherers favouring certain plant species and even their parts over others and combining these with specific animal ingredients. The results also reveal that our knowledge of plant processing in pottery is likely to be grossly under-represented by relying on lipid residue analysis alone.

Some of the oldest coastal pottery in South America is found in the Pampas region of southern Brazil, Uruguay and Argentina. In the region's extensive estuarine systems pre-colonial indigenous groups built earthen mounds, known as Cerritos, from ca. 4700 BP. The Cerritos have multifunctional purposes, and while pottery was widely used, its role in the economic or ritual life of the mound builders remains uncertain. Intriguingly, molecular and isotopic characterization of food residues from Cerritos ceramics shows that vessels were used for either cooking estuarine fish, or plant products. Microbial-derived lipids were predominantly associated with the latter, suggesting that plants were fermented, presumably to make alcoholic beverages. We suggest that dispersed communities were drawn to the mounds seasonally to exploit and celebrate the return of migrating fish. This finding is supported by the diversity of stable isotope values of human remains recovered from Cerritos and sheds new light on the lifeways of these pre-colonial groups.

The benzene polycarboxylic acid (BPCA) method is a technique to characterise the aromaticity and aromatic condensation of pyrogenic carbon (PyC) in charred residues. As a molecular marker for polycondensed aromatic moieties, the analysis of BPCAs in archaeological contexts has great potential as a means of detecting and characterising charred residues where past fire traces are not evident. Despite the increased frequency of applications and significant developments since the method's inception, no central database of BPCA results for modern charcoal pyrolysed under controlled laboratory conditions exists. Limited sample sizes in previous research have restricted the ability to precisely quantify the effects of combustion temperature, precursor feedstocks, pyrolysis parameters (e.g., oxygen availability), and methodological aspects (e.g., chromatography) on resultant BPCA profiles. To remedy this, we present the BPChAr database, which contains a total of 236 BPCA results on modern lab-produced charcoal. Through statistical analyses of the gathered data, we quantify the relationship between combustion temperature and resultant BPCA profiles, and construct random forest models to predict combustion temperature in unknown samples. Our findings show that additional variables hypothesised to play a role in shaping BPCA results - such as precursor feedstock type, oxygen availability during pyrolysis, and chromatographic separation method - have statistically significant implications for resultant BPCA profiles. Our analysis nuances these observations, highlighting at what charring temperatures and for what variables these concomitant parameters should be factored into the interpretation of BPCA results. Random forest models are also developed to predict precursor feedstock (hardwoods, softwoods, and grasses) in unknown samples, though further work is required to refine the accuracy of this model. The BPChAr database constitutes a fundamental tool for modern PyC research, and provides a baseline for future work aimed at employing the BPCA method in palaeoenvironmental and archaeological research.

Iroquoian groups inhabiting the St. Lawrence Valley in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries AD practiced agriculture and supplemented their diet with fish and a variety of wild plants and terrestrial animals. Important gaps remain in our knowledge of Iroquoian foodways, including how pottery was integrated to culinary practices and the relative importance of maize in clay-pot cooking. Lipid analyses carried out on 32 potsherds from the Dawson site (Montreal, Canada) demonstrate that pottery from this village site was used to prepare a range of foodstuffs-primarily freshwater fish and maize, but possibly also other animals and plants. The importance of aquatic resources is demonstrated by the presence of a range of molecular compounds identified as biomarkers for aquatic products, whereas the presence of maize could only be detected through isotopic analysis. Bayesian modeling suggests that maize is present in all samples and is the dominant product in at least 40% of the potsherds analyzed. This combination of analytical techniques, applied for the first time to Iroquoian pottery, provides a glimpse into Iroquoian foodways and suggests that sagamit & eacute; was part of the culinary traditions at the Dawson site. Les groupes iroquoiens habitant la vall & eacute;e du Saint-Laurent au 15e et 16e si & egrave;cle apr & egrave;s J.-C. pratiquaient l'agriculture et compl & eacute;taient leur alimentation avec du poisson et une vari & eacute;t & eacute; de plantes sauvages et d'animaux terrestres. Des lacunes importantes subsistent dans notre connaissance des habitudes alimentaires iroquoiennes, incluant la mani & egrave;re dont la poterie & eacute;tait int & eacute;gr & eacute;e aux pratiques culinaire et l'importance relative du ma & iuml;s dans les cuissons en pot. Des analyses lipidiques r & eacute;alis & eacute;es sur 32 tessons de poterie du site Dawson (Montr & eacute;al, Canada) d & eacute;montrent que les c & eacute;ramiques de ce site villageois & eacute;taient utilis & eacute;es pour pr & eacute;parer diverses denr & eacute;es alimentaires, principalement des poissons d'eau douce et du ma & iuml;s, mais peut-& ecirc;tre aussi d'autres animaux et/ou plantes. L'importance des ressources aquatiques est d & eacute;montr & eacute;e par la pr & eacute;sence d'une gamme de compos & eacute;s mol & eacute;culaires identifi & eacute;s comme biomarqueurs des produits aquatiques, tandis que la pr & eacute;sence de ma & iuml;s n'a pu & ecirc;tre d & eacute;tect & eacute;e que par des analyses isotopiques. Une mod & eacute;lisation bay & eacute;sienne sugg & egrave;re que le ma & iuml;s est pr & eacute;sent dans tous les & eacute;chantillons et qu'il constitue le produit dominant dans au moins 40% des tessons analys & eacute;s. Cette combinaison de techniques analytiques, d & eacute;ploy & eacute;e pour la premi & egrave;re fois sur la poterie iroquoienne, donne un aper & ccedil;u des habitudes alimentaires iroquoiennes et sugg & egrave;re que la sagamit & eacute; faisait partie des traditions culinaires au site Dawson.

Maize, one of the primary crops cultivated in South America, has achieved significant interest in regional archaeology. However, the study of maize in regions considered peripheral to major centres of agricultural production, such as Southern Chile, has received minimal attention. Southern Chile is the southernmost point for the dispersal of maize cultivation in the Americas, with archaeological evidence dating back ca . 1000 CE. Despite the manifest presence of maize, our knowledge of its culinary and economic importance for pre-colonial societies from Southern Chile is scarce. In this study, we extracted and analysed organic residues from 188 pottery sherds to explore the potential significance of maize in local foodways over the transition from the Early (ECP: 400-1000 CE) to the Late (LCP: 1000-1550 CE) Ceramic Period. Biomolecular and carbon-stable isotope (delta 13C) analyses of lipids indicate that maize was not a staple. Instead, our findings suggest that maize had a potentially prominent role in preparing fermented beverages consumed in important socio-political gatherings and feasts.

Zusammenfassung In der zweiten Hälfte des 6. Jahrtausends v. Chr. wanderten die ersten mit der Bandkeramik verbundenen Bauern aus und ihre Kultur verbreitete sich in die Gebiete nördlich der Karpaten. Bisher hatte man angenommen, dass diese frühneolithische Ausbreitung in einen Zeitraum um ca. 5500–5400 v. Chr. fällt, was sich vor allem auf vergleichende Studien der stilistischen Merkmale der Keramik stützte. Seit einiger Zeit gibt es jedoch bei zahlreichen Forschern Zweifel, ob die Art der Dekoration der Gefäße mit absoluten Daten übereinstimmt. Um dieses Problem anzugehen, führen die Autoren seit einigen Jahren ein Projekt über die älteste LBK-Siedlung nördlich der Karpaten durch. Ausgangspunkt ist die Stätte in Gwoździec. Die dort durchgeführten Forschungen und die aus interdisziplinären Analysen resultierenden Schlussfolgerungen erwiesen sich als äußerst wichtig für die gesamte Zone nördlich der Karpaten. Ihr Ergebnis ist eine Überarbeitung der Radiokarbonchronologie in Bezug auf den Keramikstil. Außerdem wurde eine große Menge neuer Daten über das Alltagsleben dieser Gemeinschaften gewonnen.

The dispersal of millet and rice agriculture from Korea to Japan from around 3,000 y ago has been well documented through radiocarbon analysis of botanical remains and surveying seed impressions on pottery. Much less is known about the extent to which these novel crops were consumed and incorporated into everyday culinary practices. In Japan, agriculturalists moving from Korea would have encountered large, sedentary Final Jomon populations who had well-established hunting, foraging, and cultivation strategies for exploiting indigenous fauna and flora. The degree to which these encounters hindered or enhanced the emergence of agriculture is a key question. To investigate potential changes in food exploitation, we analyzed the contents of pottery through lipid residue analysis of 260 vessels from Bronze Age (Mumun) Korea and contemporary Jomon and Yayoi pottery from Northern Kyushu. A lipid biomarker for broomcorn millet was only found in samples from Korea, suggesting that this crop was not routinely prepared in early agricultural pottery from Japan, despite some botanical evidence for its cultivation. Instead, aquatic products continued to be used in early agricultural pottery, pointing to continuity from the Jomon period despite the arrival of new "continental" ceramic forms. Rice remains difficult to identify conclusively, but by modeling carbon isotope values, we were able to determine the maximum extent that rice may have contributed. Overall, we show that there was a change in culinary practices as agriculture dispersed from Korea to Japan, most likely influenced by different long-standing traditions of preparing and cooking foods in each locality.

During the seventh century C.E., Japan adopted a new bureaucratic system called ritsuryo. This system was partly supported by taxing rural areas. Taxes were paid to the capital in Nara in the form of tributes of local agricultural, marine, or dairy products. The history of these tributes is mainly based on the written record; little material evidence has been secured to reconstruct how and where these tribute items were produced. This article focuses on the major tribute product from the Pacific coast, a bonito sauce recorded under the names nikatsuo (boiled bonito) and katsuoirori (bonito broth). We analysed lipids extracted from large ceramic cooking vessels known as nabe excavated from archaeological sites in the Suruga Bay area. These vessels were thought to have been used to produce bonito products at an industrial scale. Clear evidence of marine resource processing is confirmed in these vessels through the presence of chemical compounds related to aquatic organisms and stable carbon isotope values of individual fatty acids, indicating large-scale bonito product processing occurred at these sites. The results newly point to the possibility that such large-scale production of tributary bonito products may have been practised as early as the Asuka Period (592-710 C.E.), earlier than the Nara Period (710-794 C.E.) previously recognised.

Biophysical conditions played a fundamental role in early human colonization of insular territories, particularly in food-producing societies dealing with limited resources and the challenges of maintaining a sustainable carrying capacity. Studies on past human colonization of small oceanic islands thus offer insights into economic plasticity, ecological impacts, and adaptation of early food-producing groups. On the coast of southern Chile, early evidence is dated to 950 cal BP of island colonization by coastal populations with mainland subsistence systems based on the exploitation of marine resources, along with gathering, managing, and cultivating plants and hunting terrestrial animals. Strikingly, the extent to which these mixed economies contributed to insular colonization efforts is largely unknown. Here we used organic residue analysis of ceramic artifacts to shed light on the subsistence of populations on Mocha Island in southern Chile. We extracted and analyzed lipids from 51 pottery sherds associated with the El Vergel cultural complex that flourished in southern Chile between 950 and 400 cal BP. Chemical and stable isotope analysis of the extracts identified a range of food products, including C3 and C4 plants and marine organisms. The results reveal the central role of mixed subsistence systems in fueling the colonization of Mocha Island. Las condiciones biofisicas desempenaron un papel fundamental en la temprana colonizacion humana de territorios insulares, sobre todo en sociedades productoras de alimentos que se enfrentaban a recursos limitados y a los desafios de mantener una capacidad de carga sostenible. Los estudios sobre la colonizacion humana de pequenas islas oceanicas en el pasado ofrecen, por lo tanto, informacion sobre la plasticidad economica, los impactos ecologicos y la adaptacion de los primeros grupos productores de alimentos. En la costa del sur de Chile, los primeros indicios de colonizacion de islas datan de hace 950 anos cal aP por parte de poblaciones costeras con sistemas de subsistencia en tierra firme basados en la explotacion de los recursos marinos, ademas de la recoleccion, manejo y cultivo de plantas, y la caza de animales terrestres. Sorprendentemente, se desconoce en que medida estas economias mixtas contribuyeron a los esfuerzos de colonizacion insular. En este trabajo, empleamos el analisis de residuos organicos de artefactos ceramicos para elucidar la subsistencia de las poblaciones de la isla Mocha, en el sur de Chile. Extrajimos y analizamos lipidos de 51 fragmentos ceramicos asociados al complejo cultural El Vergel, que se desarrollo en el sur de Chile entre 950 y 400 anos cal aP. El analisis quimico y de isotopos estables de los extractos identifico una serie de productos alimenticios, incluyendo plantas C3 y C4, asi como organismos marinos. Los resultados revelan el papel central de los sistemas mixtos de subsistencia en el impulso de la colonizacion de la isla Mocha.

This study reports the first comprehensive data on the dietary aspects of Gauja Livs in the 11th–12th century CE. This region is presently lacking in bioarchaeological material (human bones and ancient plant remains), which is typically used for decoding the ancient diet. To tackle this problem pottery fragments from Turaida hillfort and Pūteļi cemetery were studied using Lipid Residue Analysis. Samples included both pottery clay matrix and burnt foodcrusts. The main goal of the study was to obtain direct information on the food substances consumed by the Gauja Livs, based on the pottery material from Turaida hillfort and from the local cemetery to reassess existing assumptions about their dietary practices both in mundane and ritual contexts. The lipid residue results revealed the main food groups consumed by the community contained terrestrial animal and aquatic products, but also provided insights into a potential mixing of different foodstuffs. Some of the expected foodstuffs were not found in or on the analysed pottery, leaving the possibility for a hypothetical use of cooking practices that might have excluded ceramic vessels. This research also gives preliminary indications of gender-based dietary patterns if assessed in context with other studies from the eastern Baltic Sea region in the pre-medieval and early medieval period.

Rice and millet arrived in Western Japan from Korea around 3,000 years ago and spread eastwards across the archipelago in the next 700 years. However, the extent to which agriculture transformed traditional Jōmon hunter-gatherer-fisher communities is debated. Central Japan is a key area of study as remodelling of radiocarbon dates shows a slowdown in the dispersal rate of rice agriculture in this area. Here, we examine and compare the use of pottery by Final Jōmon and Early to Middle Yayoi communities in the Tōkai and the Central Highland regions of central Japan, using lipid residue analysis. Although the identification of specific biomarkers for rice remains elusive, an increase in the ratio of E/H C18 APAAs with the arrival of rice and millet indicates a potential change in plant processing and consumption. We were also able to identify biomarkers for broomcorn millet (miliacin) in both Final Jōmon and Yayoi pottery. However, evidence for millet consumption is sparse and in all cases was likely mixed with wild hunted and foraged foods. We conclude therefore that, despite the introduction of rice and millet agriculture in central Japan, pre-existing diets and culinary habits of Jōmon hunter-gatherers remain important.

To investigate changes in culinary practices associated with the arrival of farming, we analysed the organic residues of over 1,000 pottery vessels from hunter-gatherer-fisher and early agricultural sites across Northern Europe from the Lower Rhine Basin to the Northeastern Baltic. Here, pottery was widely used by hunter-gatherer-fishers prior to the introduction of domesticated animals and plants. Overall, there was surprising continuity in the way that hunter-gatherer-fishers and farmers used pottery. Both aquatic products and wild plants remained prevalent, a pattern repeated consistently across the study area. We argue that the rapid adaptation of farming communities to exploit coastal and lagoonal resources facilitated their northerly expansion, and in some cases, hunting, gathering, and fishing became the most dominant subsistence strategy. Nevertheless, dairy products frequently appear in pottery associated with the earliest farming groups often mixed with wild plants and fish. Interestingly, we also find compelling evidence of dairy products in hunter-gatherer-fisher Ertebølle pottery, which predates the arrival of domesticated animals. We propose that Ertebølle hunter-gatherer-fishers frequently acquired dairy products through exchange with adjacent farming communities prior to the transition. The continuity observed in pottery use across the transition to farming contrasts with the analysis of human remains which shows substantial demographic change through ancient DNA and, in some cases, a reduction in marine consumption through stable isotope analysis. We postulate that farmers acquired the knowledge and skills they needed to succeed from local hunter-gatherer-fishers but without substantial admixture.

Understanding long-term dynamics of past socio-ecological systems is essential for their future management. The southern Atlantic Forest coast of Brazil with its biodiverse littoral zone and artisanal fishing communities, is a priority for conservation. Traditional maritime knowledge is thought to have a deep-history and indeed, marine exploitation can be traced back to the middle Holocene. As part of one of South America’s largest diasporas, Guarani groups reached the southern Brazilian coast at around 1000 years ago. Their impact on the long-standing coastal economy is unknown, due to poor preservation of organic remains. Through the first organic residue study on Guarani pottery, we show that maize rather than aquatic foods was the most dominant product in pottery at this time. By developing a mixing model based on carbon isotope values of saturated and mono-unsaturated fatty acids we propose new criteria for the identification of maize, opening up avenues for future research. Our data confirms the importance of maize to the pre-colonial Guarani, even in a highly productive coastal environment. The Guarani occupation of this region marks a significant departure from previous socio-economic systems, potentially leading to loss of traditional knowledge and alleviating anthropogenic pressure, albeit temporarily, on the marine environment.

The introduction of domestic horses transformed Indigenous societies across the grasslands of Argentina, leading to the emergence of specialized horse cultures across the Southern Cone. However, the dynamics of this introduction are poorly chronicled by historic records. Here, we apply archaeozoological and biomolecular techniques to horse remains from the site of Chorrillo Grande 1 in southern Argentina. Osteological and taphonomic analyses suggest that horses were pastorally managed and used for food by Aónikenk/Tehuelche hunter-gatherers before the onset of permanent European settlement, as early as the mid-17th century. DNA-based sex identifications suggest consumption of both male and female horses, while ceramic residue also shows use of guanaco products. Sequential isotope analyses on horse dentition reveal an origin in southern Patagonia and movement of these animals between the Río Coig and Río Gallegos basins. These results reinforce emerging evidence for rapid Indigenous-mediated dispersal of horses in the Americas and demonstrate that horses catalyzed rapid economic and social transformations.

Ceramic technology makes an abrupt appearance in the New World Arctic at circa 2800 cal BP. While there is general consensus that the ultimate source of these Alaskan pottery traditions lay in continental NE Asia, the motivations for the adoption of pottery in Alaska have remained unclear. Through organic residue analysis we investigated the function of Norton pottery in Southwest Alaska, and the extent to which its function changed in later periods under the increasing northern influence of Thule culture in the region (from ca. 1000 cal BP). Our results show clear evidence of aquatic resource processing in all pottery vessels. Regional variability due to environmental and ecological differences are apparent in the pottery. The majority of Norton pottery was from inland riverine locations and the function of this early pottery was to process anadromous fish, with only limited evidence of other resources. After 1000 cal BP more sites appear on the coast, and while pottery technology changes dramatically at this time, this is not as clear in pottery function which remains aimed at local abundant aquatic resources. We hypothesize that pottery was adopted into Alaska as part of a riverine adaptation and suggest that targeted human exploitation of large riverine systems may have facilitated its expansion into Southwest Alaska. Furthermore, we suggest that this pattern might extend back into Siberia where Alaskan pottery originates.

This article presents the results of a multi-proxy study conducted on a triple burial found at a settlement site at Parnu Road 41, Tallinn, Estonia, dating to 405-360 cal BC (Pre-Roman Iron Age). Through archaeological and chemical analyses, including AMS dating, archaeobotany, osteology, stable isotope analysis, lipid analysis, metallography and XRF analysis, this study proves valuable insights into the provenance, diet, and burial practices of the woman and children buried in the grave at Parnu Road 41.The stable isotope analysis of strontium, carbon and nitrogen suggests that the individuals were of local origin and did not travel long distances during their lifetime. It is likely that the diet of the woman was mainly based on terrestrial protein, which is also supported by lipid analysis performed of pot sherds. These results correspond with the dietary stable isotope values of individuals from Estonia dated to the second half of the Bronze Age and the Pre -Roman Iron Age. Based on the find context of carbonized grains, the partial burning of the female skeleton and the fire pit built contemporaneously above the grave, it is likely that grains and fire could have played an important role in inhumation burials. However, because of the scarcity of inhumation burials in pit graves, it is unclear whether or not the triple burial at Parnu Road 41 represents a widespread burial practice alongside the stone graves typical of this period. Moreover, it is possible that the observed rituals are linked to foreign customs, as the buried individuals may have had familial ties to immigrants from different regions of eastern Europe, as indicated by a unique bronze bell-pendant found in the grave.This study also introduces the discovery of the earliest known iron smithing site in Estonia. Spherical magnetic droplets found within the burial soil were proven to be hammer scales, formed as a by-product of iron working. The appearance of hammer scales in the soil of a burial dated to the 4th century BC challenges the previously established timeline of iron working in the region.