Since its initial publication in 1976, Resistance Through Rituals has become one of the most influential - and criticised - texts in the academic study of youth culture. Criticisms fall into two broad camps: the perceived shortcomings of the study itself, notably its lack of attention to issues of gender and ethnicity, its Anglo-centric focus and the absence of empirical data to support its central claims vis a vis the significance of subculture as site of working-class youth resistance; criticisms of the concept of subculture itself and the proposing of new conceptual frameworks, notably, scene, lifestyle and neo-tribe. Beyond such criticism, however, there are also other questions to consider in assessing the 50-year legacy of Resistance Through Rituals. How has the concept of youth culture itself changed over the last 50 years? How have such changes been influenced by factors such as post-industrialisation, digital technologies and shifts in understandings about age and age-appropriate behaviour? Taking such considerations into account, this article will discuss the extent to which Resistance Through Rituals reads in the current context as a largely historical text and, conversely, what aspects of the work continue to have relevance (or perhaps revived relevance) for the study of youth in a contemporary context?

This article focuses on migrant youth in regional areas of Australia who write and perform hip-hop. Hip-hop music serves as a means of 'juggling' the contradictions in the sense of belonging experienced by these young people, who identify as both 'Australians' and 'migrants', while also addressing regional inequalities that affect a young generation. The article examines the regional cultural context in which migrant youth create and engage in cultural practices of self-expression, reimagining and 'localising' global hip-hop culture. Regional practices of hip-hop can be seen as indicators of transformations in regional cultural identities brought about by gradual changes in demographics and the growing presence of non-Western migrants. The article draws on the potential wider cultural and social impacts of migrant youth's music-making, urging policymakers to utilise these grassroots practices in regional cultural, migration and settlement policies.

Abstract The original Woodstock Music and Arts Fair, held in August 1969, is typically represented as a watershed moment in the political significance of the rock festival. During a time when rock music had become increasingly political, Woodstock was regarded as a standard-bearer for countercultural ideology, including a back-to-the-land, neo-Greenist philosophy and the anti-Vietnam War movement. The mythology that has grown up around Woodstock’s political importance is bound up with the romanticized connections made during the late 1960s between rock music and notions of community. With reference to a series of post-Woodstock festivals, including the Goose Lake International Music Festival (USA, 1970), Festival Buenos Aires Rock (Argentina, 1971), Sunbury Pop Festival (Australia, 1972–1975), and the infamous Stonehenge Festival (UK, 1974–1984) this chapter considers how rock festivals from the late 1960s onward became centrally important as sites of youth cultural resistance and political subversiveness.

This article presents findings from a cross-disciplinary, international project that seeks to understand the importance of music-making for young people (aged 18-35 years) as a source of well-being during the COVID-19 crisis. A key objective of the project is to evaluate whether music-making has contributed in palpable ways to young people's individual well-being and their sense of connection with others. For the purposes of the project, well-being is defined in relation to both physical and mental health but also by having a sense of social belonging. Given the unprecedented circumstances created by the COVID-19 pandemic, its rapid spread and ensuing disruptions to everyday life, the project findings offer a significant opportunity to examine and evaluate the importance of music-making for young people's well-being in a time of rapidly shifting and increasingly uncertain socio-economic conditions. The article draws on data collected during 77 online interviews with young music-makers based in different locations around Australia, the UK and Portugal. Participants for the project were recruited through calls posted on social media with additional internal recruiting at one of the partner universities through a monthly call out for volunteers for research projects.

This article explores ageing in alternative cultures and co-existing forms of hyper and alternative masculinity in the US film Jackass Forever released in 2022. The film is a continuation of the original Jackass show launched in 2000. Although a highly profitable franchise, we argue Jackass is part of an alternative culture through its playfulness and pranks that are also dangerous and revel in self-humiliation. Most of the stunts and skits also adopt a DIY approach and reflect forms of perceived masculine and adolescent pranking and clowning. We argue that such alternative and DIY-influenced activities allow men to keep enjoying alternative, ‘carnivalesque’ forms of adult play well into middle-age and can have a pro-social and beneficial impact across men's life course. Yet even if subversive, Jackass can still also reproduce masculine constraints, including suppressing the expression of boundaries and vulnerable emotions.

This article examines the fortunes of music education programs in rural and regional Australia. It argues that the two key national reports on music education across the nation undertaken in 2005 and 2019 have tended to focus on metropolitan and urban settings and formalised school education at the pre-tertiary level at the expense of music education programs in rural and regional areas. In this article, we argue that a more complete picture of music education across Australia - and, indeed, elsewhere - can only be fully assessed when music education outside of formal primary and secondary school education is accounted for. Through extensive interviews with music education stakeholders during COVID, the article highlights the diverse and impactful state of music education in rural and regional Australia.

The purpose of this chapter is to consider if and how the value of music as a cultural resource has shifted for youth during the post-digital age. Since the early 2000s the sheer amount of music made available for digital download and streaming has increased exponentially. Platforms such as Spotify have been at the forefront of this phenomenon, offering listeners an opportunity to access a wide variety of recorded music from different genres and eras of music-making. Although available to people of all ages, evidence suggests that it is the younger generations who are making most use of Spotify and competing platforms. As such, whether or not the actual cultural meaning of music has changed for younger generations today, it is clear that they have far more access to music on a daily basis than was the case for earlier generations of youth.

The purpose of this chapter is to consider how the interpretive lens of the (post)subcultural researcher squares with the hefty legacy of the subculture–post-subculture debate—if we are any closer to uncovering more fine-grained insights into the lifeworlds of 'youth culturalists' or if we are still in the business of creating these lifeworlds on behalf of youths? The chapter is based on a series of reflections on my own career as a youth culture researcher and an ongoing series of conversations with my son in which the then and now of youth cultures is invariably a topic of discussion. I claim no universal truths in this account. It is instead an opportunity to reassess what myself and other youth researchers have suggested about the nature of youths and their cultures and to ponder all of this in the context of an era where youth culture is as much a historical terminology as something that bespeaks a contemporary status quo for young people.

In India, the past two decades have been crucial for the growing popularity of Electronic Dance Music (EDM). This is largely due to the burgeoning presence and significance of EDM festivals as a performative site of a contemporary Indian youth culture. A salient feature capturing the zeitgeist of twenty-first century, urban, modern Indian youth is EDM's gradual permeation into the cultural fabric of India through crucial collaborations with cultural industries like Bollywood. It is a truism that the legacy of Goa Trance remains a dominant point of reference in the global imagination of the Indian EDM scene. This article, however, argues that the contemporary mode of Indian Electronic Dance Music Culture (EDMC) has largely developed independently of this legacy. The main proponent of contemporary EDMC in urban India has been the multiple greenfield EDM festivals held annually all over the country. This article draws on fieldwork data collected between 2016-2018 at Indian EDM festival sites. Using this empirical data, the article examines the 'performance' of Indian EDMC and considers whether it is viable to speak in terms of an Indian way of raving, as a variation of other 'local' ways of performing EDMC that may exist elsewhere in the world.

In this article, we draw on the concepts of lifestyle movements and Do-It-Yourself culture to explore activist identity and practice among grassroots activist groups in Brisbane, Australia. Although Do-It-Yourself ethos is often conceptualised in terms of countercultural ideology linking music, politics and aesthetics, we examine it here as a core characteristic of creative resistance and grassroots organising. We present the case study of an activist blockade camp emerging during the COVID-19 lockdown in Brisbane in 2020 to explore activist lifestyles in the Australian context and reflect on the possibilities of radicalisation and collective affinities through Do-It-Yourself politics and practices. The impact of COVID-19 during early 2020 and the socio-economic disruptions that followed provide an interesting backdrop against which to study the development of Do-It-Yourself activist lifestyles within social movements. Our findings illustrate the potential of activist lifestyle movements within and beyond localised campaigns, while reinforcing the relevance of using Do-It-Yourself frameworks to theorise activist culture.

Between 1970 and 1975, at least 18 rock festivals took place in Australia, often near regional towns. These have gone largely undocumented. By focusing on these “forgotten” festivals, this article contributes to our understanding of the festival’s role in Australian music culture, mapping the Australian context over the international rock music trends of the time. These festivals highlight the contribution of regional and rural settings to the development of contemporary Australian popular music. The use of the mythology of Woodstock in discourses around the festivals demonstrates conflicts within the youth countercultures of the time, and moral panics associated with them.

As a core aspect of its mission, DIY, Alternative Cultures and Society is committed to featuring work from the growing community of scholars invested in studying DIY cultures in a global context. The concept of DIY, its history, and socio-political and cultural agendas are well documented in academic scholarship. The date, however, most of the work published on DIY cultural production and consumption has been written by Global North scholars and focuses in large part on Global North contexts and examples. Undoubtedly, the succession of radical movements that have arisen across the Global North during the 20th and early 21st centuries merit close scrutiny and analysis. Such movements, from Dadaism in the 1920s (Elgar and Grosenick, 2004) and situationism (1957 – 1972) (Wark, 2011) to the late 1960s counter-culture (Clecak, 1983) and (anarcho) punk (Cross, 2010; Hebdige, 1979) from the late 1970s onwards have each in their own ways forged counter-hegemonic narratives using such mediums as art, music fashion and literature. Alongside these spectacular examples of DIY cultural production and consumption, are more mundane yet equally pertinent examples including dumpster diving (Eikenberry and Smith, 2005) and craftivism (Greer, 2014), practices that have acquired increasing gravitas in a post-industrial era characterised by mounting austerity and precarity (Standing, 2011). And yet, while such work has done much to illustrate and illuminate the attempts of groups and individuals to engage with and counter harsh and worsening socio-economic and political conditions in the industrialised world, it tells us very little about the rest of the world; those countries that remain on the global periphery in regions that are collectively termed the Global South (Dargin, 2013). Neither the Global North nor the Global South are exclusively geographic terms, as illustrated in the case of Australia and New Zealand, countries that are geographically situated in the southern hemisphere, and within the primarily Global South continent of Oceania, but are industrially advanced nations. By

Aims and ScopeDIY, Alternative Cultures and Society (DIY ) is the first academic journal dedicated to the theme of DIY (do-it-yourself) and alternative cultures.It is a fully peer reviewed international journal that publishes original research and review articles focusing on all aspects of DIY and alternative cultural practice and consumption in a global context.The journal caters to a rapidly growing demand from an international community of scholars whose work focuses on a broad range of DIY cultural practices.As this suggests, DIY, Alternative Cultures and Society is a strongly multidisciplinary journal.We welcome articles from the global community of scholars working on different facets of DIY and alternative cultures, encompassing alternative cultural economies, in a broad range of academic fields, including, but not limited to: (cultural) sociology, (social) anthropology, urban and rural studies, (social) history, economics, (social, cultural and critical) geography, psychology, cultural studies, media studies, law, politics, (cultural) criminology, languages and linguistics, art and design, fashion studies, film studies, musicology and ethnomusicology, radio and journalism studies, fine arts, sound studies and popular music studies.The journal also welcomes articles drawing on a wide range of conceptual approaches, including (but again not limited to) (post)structuralism, functionalism, social constructionism, conflict theory, behaviourism, homology, semiotics, symbolic interactionism, hermeneutics, ethnomethodology, phenomenology, critical theory, post-colonial theory and postmodernism.The journal has a strong focus on empirically informed work, featuring articles based on the various social science and humanities research methodologies ranging across quantitative, qualitative and mixed-methods analysis: such methods will include (for example), ethnography and virtual ethnography, archival research, visual analysis, textual analysis, social network analysis, multicorrespondence analysis, multiple regression analysis, diachronic and synchronic analysis, discourse analysis, and linguistic analysis.DIY, Alternative Cultures and Society is committed to publishing high quality research that explores all aspects of DIY in both contemporary and historical contexts.DIY describes forms of alternative cultural production and practice that are typically pitched against more mainstream, mass produced and commodified forms of culture.Whereas the latter sit within the nexus of profit directed cultural production and consumption that is characteristic of the cultural industries, DIY culture is located in an alternative sphere of cultural production including home studios, maker spaces and venues and other performance and exhibition settings in locations outside of formalised urban 'cultural quarters' or nighttime economy infrastructures.Contemporary DIY culture is also characterised by an abundance of craftivist practices.DIY cultural production is frequently aligned with an anti-hegemonic ideology focused upon aesthetic preferences and lifestyles that do not align with mainstream political agendas and their associated societal and cultural values.As such, there are often close ties between forms of DIY cultural

Large geographical distances between major towns in regional areas could present as an inherent handicap to a thriving regional music scene. The costs associated with travel and transport drive down profit margins for musicians operating in these areas. Longer travel from coastal to inland regions results in additional economic pressures such as accommodation and equipment transport costs, not to mention the possibility of your gear not arriving in time for your gig if you were to fly. In regional towns where the population is numbered in the thousands, venues are small, and despite interest and passion, venue owners still may not be able to hire musicians. As well as reducing profit margins, the small populations of regional areas also increases competition for entertainment options between venues. Despite this volatility and the issues facing regional scenes, the appetite for live music in regional areas remains high. A healthy live music scene is regarded as a positive part of community engagement. At a local governmental level, it is regarded as a way of enlivening the local community and bringing in tourists. Venues regard it as a way of attracting clients and adding entertainment options beyond gambling and drinking to their venue, broadening their client base. For musicians, it is their livelihood. In this chapter we focus on how these benefits and constraints are experienced and negotiated in a specific regional location in Australia. The case study presented in this chapter draws on the results of 41 interviews with people active in the music scene in Central Queensland, a regional area with small urban clusters in the regional town centres of Rockhampton, Mackay and Gladstone and reflects on the current climate, including how the pandemic has played a role.